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THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

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GENERAL CONTENTS

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THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS, Page i

Translated by GEORGE RAWLINSON

THUCYDIDES: THE HISTORY
OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, Page 349

Translated by RICHARD CRAWLEY
Revised by R. FEETHAM

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
HERODOTUS,

HERODOTUS was born about four years after
the battle of Salamis in Halicarnassus in Asia
Minor. Although a Greek colony, the city had
been subject to Persia for some time, and it
remained so for half of Herodotus' life. He
came from a Greek family which enjoyed a
position of respect in Halicarnassus, and his
uncle, or cousin, Panyasis, was famous in anti-
quity as an epic poet.

The Persian tyranny made any free political
life impossible, and Herodotus, after his ele-
mentary education, appears to have devoted
himself to reading and travelling. In addi-
tion to his unusually thorough knowledge of
Homer, he had an intimate acquaintance with
the whole range of Greek literature. In his
History he quotes or shows familiarity with,
among others, Hesiod, Hecataeus, Sappho,
Solon, Aesop, Simonides of Ceos, Aeschylus,
and Pindar. Whether or not the plan of his
History governed or grew out of his travels is
not known. All the dates of his travels are
uncertain; it is thought that most of them were
made between his twentieth and thirty-seventh
year. The History reveals the elaborateness of
his observation and inquiry. He traversed Asia
Minor and European Greece probably more
than once, visited all the most important
islands of the Archipelago Rhodes, Cyprus,
Delos, Paros, Thasos, Samothrace, Crete,
Samos, Cythera, and Aegina , made the long
journey from Sardis to the Persian capital of
Susa, saw Babylon, Colchis, and the western
shores of the Euxine as far as the Dnieper,
travelled in Scythia, Thrace, and Greater
Greece, explored the antiquities of Tyre,
coasted along the shores of Palestine, saw
Gaza, and made a long stay in Egypt.

Apart from the travels undertaken in his
professional capacity, political developments
involved Herodotus in many shifts of resi-
dence. About 454 B.C. his relative, Panyasis,
was executed by Lygdamis, the tyrant of Hali-
carnassus. Herodotus left his native city for
Samos, which was then an important member
of the Athenian Confederacy. He was there for

seven or eight years and perhaps took part ir
the preparations for the overthrow of Lyg
damis. After the expulsion of the tyrant, ii
which the Athenian fleet may have been a deci
sive factor, he returned to Halicarnassus
which then became a member of the Confed
eracy. He remained there less than a year. I
is surmised that an unfavorable reception t<
parts of his History and the ascendency" of th<
anti-Athenian party caused Herodotus to leav<
Halicarnassus for Athens.

At Athens, Herodotus seems to have beer
admitted into the brilliant Periclean society
He was particularly intimate with Sophocles
who is said to have written a poem in hi:
honour. Plutarch records that the public read
ings he gave from his History won such ap
proval that in 445 B.C., on the proposal of Any
tus, the Athenian people voted to award him ;
large sum of money. At one of his recitations
the story is told that the young Thucydides wa:
present with his father and was so moved thai
he burst into tears, whereupon Herodotus re
marked: "Olorus, your son has a natural en
thusiasm for letters."

Despite his fame in Athens, Herodotus ma^
not have been reconciled to his status as a for
eigner without citizenship. He was either un
willing or unable to return to his native land
When in 443 B.C. Pericles sent out a colony tc
settle Thurii in southern Italy, Herodotus was
one of its members. He was then forty yean
old.

From this point in his career Herodotus dis
appears completely. He may have undertaker
some of his travels after this time, and there ii
evidence of his returning to Athens, but it i
inconclusive. He was undoubtedly occupiec
with completing and perfecting his History
He may also have composed at Thurii the spe
cial work on the history of Assyria to which he
refers and which Aristotle quotes.

From the indications afforded by his work it
is inferred that he did not live later than 425
B.C. Presumably he died at Thurii; it was there
that his tomb was shown in later ages.

CONTENTS

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE, p. ix

THE FIRST BOOK, ENTITLED CLIO, p. i

THE SECOND BOOK, ENTITLED EUTERPE, p. 49

THE THIRD BOOK, ENTITLED THALIA, p. 89

THE FOURTH BOOK, ENTITLED MELPOMENE, p. 124

THE FIFTH BOOK, ENTITLED TERPSICHORE, p. 160

THE SIXTH BOOK, ENTITLED ERATO, p. 186

THE SEVENTH BOOK, ENTITLED POLYMNIA, p. 214

THE EIGHTH BOOK, ENTITLED URANIA, p. 260

THE NINTH BOOK, ENTITLED CALLIOPE, p. 288

MAPS, p.

I. Babylon
II. Persian Empire

III. Scythia

IV. Africa, According to Herodotus
V. The Region of the Aegean

VI. Marathon

VII. Thermopylae

VIII. Salamis

IX. Plataea

INDEX, p. 325

The First Book, Entitled
CLIO

THESE are the researches of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, which he publishes,
in the hope of thereby preserving from decay the remembrance of what men
have done, and of preventing the great and wonderful actions of the Greeks
and the Barbarians from losing their due meed of glory; and withal to put on
record what were their grounds of feud.

i. According to the Persians best informed in
history, the Phoenicians began to quarrel. This
people, who had formerly dwelt on the shores
of the Erythraean Sea, 1 having migrated to the
Mediterranean and settled in the parts which
they now inhabit, began at once, they say, to
adventure on long voyages, freighting their
vessels with the wares of Egypt and Assyria.
They landed at many places on the coast, and
among the rest at Argos, which was then pre-
eminent above all the states included now un-
der the common name of Hellas. 2 Here they
exposed their merchandise, and traded with
the natives for five or six days; at the end of
which time, when almost everything was sold,
there came down to the beach a number of
women, and among them the daughter of the
king, who was, they say, agreeing in this with
the Greeks, lo, the child of Inachus. The
women were standing by the stern of the ship
intent upon their purchases, when the Phoeni-
cians, with a general shout, rushed upon them.
The greater part made their escape, but some
were seized and carried off. lo herself was
among the captives. The Phoenicians put the
women on board their vessel, and set sail for

1 The Indian Ocean, or rather both the Indian
Ocean and the Persian Gulf, which latter Herod-
otus does not consider distinct from the Ocean,
being ignorant of its shape.

2 The ancient superiority of Argos is indicated
by the position of Agamemnon at the time of the
Trojan war and by the use of the word Argive in
Homer for Greek generally. No other name of a
single people is used in the same generic way.

Egypt. Thus did lo pass into Egypt, according
to the Persian story, which differs widely from
the Phoenician: and thus commenced, accord-
ing to their authors, the series of outrages.

2. At a later period, certain Greeks, with
whose name they are unacquainted, but who
would probably be Cretans, made a landing at
Tyre, on the Phoenician coast, and bore off the
king's daughter, Europe. In this they only re-
taliated; but afterwards the Greeks, they say,
were guilty of a second violence. They manned
a ship of war, and sailed to /a, a city of Col-
chis, on the river Phasis; from whence, after
despatching the rest of the business on which
they had come, they carried off Medea, the
daughter of the king of the land. The monarch
sent a herald into Greece to demand reparation
of the wrong, and the restitution of his child;
but the Greeks made answer that, having re-
ceived no reparation of the wrong done them
in the seizure of lo the Argive, they should
give none in this instance.

3. In the next generation afterwards, accord-
ing to the same authorities, Alexander the son
of Priam, bearing these events in mind, re-
solved to procure himself a wife out of Greece
by violence, fully persuaded, that as the Greeks
had not given satisfaction for their outrages, so
neither would he be forced to make any for
his. Accordingly he made prize of Helen; upon
which the Greeks decided that, before resort-
ing to other measures, they would send envoys
to reclaim the princess and require reparation
of the wrong. Their demands were met by a
reference to the violence which had been of-

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

fered to Medea, and they were asked with
what face they could now require satisfaction,
when they had formerly rejected all demands
for either reparation or restitution addressed to
them.

4. Hitherto the injuries on either side had
been mere acts of common violence; but in
what followed the Persians consider that the
Greeks were greatly to blame, since before any
attack had been made on Europe, they led an
army into Asia. Now as for the carrying off of
women, it is the deed, they say, of a rogue: but
to make a stir about such as are carried off,
argues a man a fool. Men of sense care nothing
for such women, since it is plain that without
their own consent they would never be forced
away. The Asiatics, when the Greeks ran off
with their women, never troubled themselves
about the matter; but the Greeks, for the sake
of a single Lacedaemonian girl, collected a vast
armament, invaded Asia, and destroyed the
kingdom of Priam. Henceforth they ever
looked upon the Greeks as their open enemies.
For Asia, with all the various tribes of barbar-
ians that inhabit it, is regarded by the Persians
as their own; but Europe and the Greek race
they look on as distinct and separate.

5. Such is the account which the Persians
give of these matters. They trace to the attack
upon Troy their ancient enmity towards the
Greeks. The Phoenicians, however, as regards
lo, vary from the Persian statements. They
deny that they used any violence to remove
her into Egypt; she herself, they say, having
formed an intimacy with the captain, while his
vessel lay at Argos, and perceiving herself to be
with child, of her own free will accompanied
the Phoenicians on their leaving the shore, to
escape the shame of detection and the re-
proaches of her parents. Whether this latter ac-
count be true, or whether the matter happened
otherwise, I shall not discuss further. I shall
proceed at once to point out the person who
first within my own knowledge inflicted in-
jury on the Greeks, after which I shall go for-
ward with my history, describing equally the
greater and the lesser cities. For the cities
which were formerly great have most of them
become insignificant; and such as are at pres-
ent powerful, were weak in the olden time. I
shall therefore discourse equally of both, con-
vinced that human happiness never continues
long in one stay.

6. Croesus, son of Alyattes, by birth a Lyd-
ian, was lord of all the nations to the west of
the river Halys. This stream, which separates

Syria 1 from Paphlagonia, runs with a course
from south to north,, and finally falls into the
Euxine. So far as our knowledge goes, he was
the first of the barbarians who had dealings
with the Greeks, forcing some of them to be-
come his tributaries, and entering into alliance
with others. He conquered the ^Eohans, lon-
ians, and Dorians of Asia, and made a treaty
with the Lacedaemonians. Up to that time all
Greeks had been free. For the Cimmerian at-
tack upon Ionia, which was earlier than Croe-
sus, was not a conquest of the cities, but only
an inroad for plundering.

7. The sovereignty of Lydia, which had be-
longed to the Heraclides, passed into the fam-
ily of Croesus, who were called the Mermnadae,
in the manner which I will now relate. There
was a certain king of Sardis, Candaules by
name, whom the Greeks called Myrsilus. He
was a descendant of Alcaeus, son of Hercules.
The first king of this dynasty was Agron, son
of Ninus, grandson of Belus, and great-grand-
son of Alcaeus; Candaules, son of Myrsus, was
the last. The kings who reigned before Agron
sprang from Lydus, son of Atys, from whom
the people of the land, called previously Meon-
ians, received the name of Lydians. The Hera-
clides, descended from Hercules and the slave-
girl of Jardanus, having been entrusted by these
princes with the management of affairs, ob-
tained the kingdom by an oracle. Their rule
endured for two and twenty generations of
men, a space of five hundred and five years;
during the whole of which period, from Agron
to Candaules, the crown descended in the di-
rect line from father to son.

8. Now it happened that this Candaules was
in love with his own wife; and not only so, but
thought her the fairest woman in the whole
world. This fancy had strange consequences.
There was in his bodyguard a man whom he
specially favoured, Gyges, the son of Dascylus.
All affairs of greatest moment were entrusted
by Candaules to this person, and to him he was
wont to extol the surpassing beauty of his wife.
So matters went on for a while. At length, one
day, Candaules, who was fated to end ill, thus
addressed his follower: "I see thou dost not
credit what I tell thee of my lady's loveliness;
but come now, since men's ears are less credu-
lous than their eyes, contrive some means
whereby thou mayst behold her naked." At

1 By Syria Herodotus here means Cappadocia,
the inhabitants of which he calls Syrians (i. 72,
and vii. 72), or Cappadocian Syrians (Zvptovt
Kas i. 72).

this the other loudly exclaimed, saying, "What
most unwise speech is this, master, which thou
hast uttered? Wouldst tnou have me behold
my mistress when she is naked ? Bethink thee
that a woman, with her clothes, puts off her
bashfulness. Our fathers, in time past, distin-
guished right and wrong plainly enough, and
it is our wisdom to submit to be taught by
them. There is an old saying, 4 Let each look on
his own.' I hold thy wife for the fairest of all
womankind. Only, I beseech thee, ask me not
to do wickedly."

9. Gyges thus endeavoured to decline the
king's proposal, trembling lest some dreadful
evil should befall him through it. But the king
replied to him, "Courage, friend; suspect me
not of the design to prove thee by this dis-
course; nor dread thy mistress, lest mischief be-
fall thee at her hands. Be sure! will so manage
that she shall not even know that thou hast
looked upon her. I will place thee behind the
open door of the chamber in which we sleep.
When I enter to go to rest she will follow me.
There stands a chair close to the entrance, on
which she will lay her clothes one by one as she
takes them off. Thou wilt be able thus at thy
leisure to peruse her person. Then, when she is
moving from the chair toward the bed, and her
back is turned on thee, be it thy care that she
see thee not as thou passest through the door-
way."

10. Gyges, unable to escape, could but de-
clare his readiness. Then Candaules, when
bedtime came, led Gyges into his sleeping-
chamber, and a moment after the queen fol-
lowed. She entered, and laid her garments on
the chair, and Gyges gazed on her. After a
while she moved toward the bed, and her back
being then turned, he glided stealthily from
the apartment. As he was passing out, how-
ever, she saw him, and instantly divining what
had happened, she neither screamed as her
shame impelled her, nor even appeared to have
noticed aught, purposing to take vengeance
upon the husband who had so affronted her.
For among the Lydians, and indeed among
the barbarians generally, it is reckoned a deep
disgrace, even to a man, to be seen naked.

11. No sound or sign of intelligence escaped
her at the time. But in the morning, as soon as
day broke, she hastened to choose from among
her retinue such as she knew to be most faith-
ful to her, and preparing them for what was
to ensue, summoned Gyges into her presence.
Now it had often happened before that the
queen had desired to confer with him, and he

1UK Y 5

was accustomed to come to her at her call. He
therefore obeyed the summons, not suspecting
that she knew aught of what had occurred.
Then she addressed these words to him: "Take
thy choice, Gyges, of two courses which are
open to thee. Slay Candaules, and thereby be-
come my lord, and obtain the Lydian throne,
or die this moment in his room. So wilt thou
not again, obeying all behests of thy master, be-
hold what is not lawful for thee. It must needs
be that either he perish by whose counsel this
thing was done, or thou, who sa west me naked,
and so didst break our usages." At these words
Gyges stood awhile in mute astonishment; re-
covering after a time, he earnestly besought the
queen that she would not compel him to so
hard a choice. But finding he implored in vain,
and that necessity was indeed laid on him to
kill or to be killed, he made choice of life for
himself, and replied by this inquiry: "If it must
be so, and thou compellest me against my will
to put my lord to death, come, let me hear how
thou wilt have me set on him." "Let him be at-
tacked," she answered, "on the spot where I
was by him shown naked to you, and let the
assault be made when he is asleep."

12. All was then prepared for the attack, and
when night fell, Gyges, seeing that he had no
retreat or escape, but must absolutely either slay
Candaules, or himself be slain, followed his
mistress into the sleeping-room. She placed a
dagger in his hand, and hid him carefully behind
the self-same door. Then Gyges, when the king
was fallen asleep, entered privily into the cham-
ber and struck him dead. Thus did the wife
and kingdom of Candaules pass into the posses-
sion of Gyges, of whom Archilochus the Parian,
who lived about the same time, made mention
in a poem written in iambic trimeter verse.

13. Gyges was afterwards confirmed in the
possession of the throne by an answer of the
Delphic oracle. Enraged at the murder of their
king, the people flew to arms, but after a while
the partisans of Gyges came to terms with
them, and it was agreed that if the Delphic
oracle declared him king of the Lydians, he
should reign; if otherwise, he should yield the
throne to the Heraclidcs. As the oracle was
given in his favour he became king. The Py-
thoness, however, added that, in the fifth gen-
eration from Gyges, vengeance should come
for the Heraclides; a prophecy of which
neither the Lydians nor their princes took any
account till it was fulfilled. Such was the way
in which the Mermnadz deposed the Herach-
des, and themselves obtained the sovereignty.

HERODOTUS

BOOK i

14. When Gygcs was established on the
throne, he sent no small presents to Delphi, as
his many silver offerings at the Delphic shrine
testify. Besides this silver he gave a vast num-
ber of vessels of gold, among which the most
worthy of mention are the goblets, six in num-
ber, and weighing altogether thirty talents,
which stand in the Corinthian treasury, dedi-
cated by him. I call it the Corinthian treasury,
though in strictness of speech it is the treasury
not of the whole Corinthian people, but of
Cypselus, son of Eetion. Excepting Midas, son
of Gordias, king of Phrygia, Gyges was the
first of the barbarians whom we know to have
sent offerings to Delphi. Midas dedicated the
royal throne whereon he was accustomed to sit
and administer justice, an object well worth
looking at. It lies in the same place as the gob-
lets presented by Gyges. The Delphians call the
whole of the silver and the gold which Gyges
dedicated, after the name of the donor, Gygian.

As soon as Gyges was king he made an in-
road on Miletus and Smyrna, and took the city
of Colophon. Afterwards, however, though he
reigned eight and thirty years, he did not per-
form a single noble exploit. I shall therefore
make no further mention of him, but pass on
to his son and successor in the kingdom, Ardys.

15. Ardys took Priene and made war upon
Miletus. In his reign the Cimmerians, driven
from their homes by the nomads of Scythia,
entered Asia and captured Sardis, all but the
citadel. He reigned forty-nine years, and was
succeeded by his son, Sadyattes, who reigned
twelve years. At his death his son Alyattes
mounted the throne.

1 6. This prince waged war with the Medes
under Cyaxares, the grandson of Deioces, drove
the Cimmerians out of Asia, conquered
Smyrna, the Colophonian colony, and invaded
Clazomense. From this last contest he did not
come off as he could have wished, but met with
a sore defeat; still, however, in the course of his
reign, he performed other actions very worthy
of note, of which I will now proceed to give an
account.

17. Inheriting from his father a war with
the Milesians, he pressed the siege against the
city by attacking it in the following manner.
When the harvest was ripe on the ground he
marched his army into Milesia to the sound of
pipes and harps, and flutes masculine and fem-
inine. The buildings that were scattered over
the country he neither pulled down nor burnt,
nor did he even tear away the doors, but left
them standing as they were. He cut down,

however, and utterly destroyed all the trees and
all the corn throughout the land, and then re-
turned to his own dominions. It was idle for
his army to sit down before the place, as the
Milesians were masters of the sea. The reason
that he did not demolish their buildings was
that the inhabitants might be tempted to use
them as homesteads from which to go forth to
sow and till their lands; and so each time that
he invaded the country he might find some-
thing to plunder.

1 8. In this way he carried on the war with
the Milesians for eleven years, in the course of
which he inflicted on them two terrible blows;
one in their own country in the district of
Limeneium,the other in the plain of the Macan-
der. During six of these eleven years, Sadyattes,
the son of Ardys, who first lighted the flames
of this war, was king of Lydia, and made the
incursions. Only the five following years be-
long to the reign of Alyattes, son of Sadyattes,
who (as I said before) inheriting the war from
his father, applied himself to it unremittingly.
The Milesians throughout the contest received
no help at all from any of the lonians, except-
ing those of Chios, who lent them troops in re-
quital of a like service rendered them in for-
mer times, the Milesians having fought on the
side of the Chians during the whole of the war
between them and the people of Erythrae.

19. It was in the twelfth year of the war that
the following mischance occurred from the fir-
ing of the harvest-fields. Scarcely had the corn
been set alight by the soldiers when a violent
wind carried the flames against the temple of
Minerva Assesia, which caught fire and was
burnt to the ground. At the time no one made
any account of the circumstance; but after-
wards, on the return of the army to Sardis,
Alyattes fell sick. His illness continued, where-
upon, either advised thereto by some friend, or
perchance himself conceiving the idea, he sent
messengers to Delphi to inquire of the god con-
cerning his malady. On their arrival the Py-
thoness declared that no answer should be
given them until they had rebuilt the temple of
Minerva, burnt by the Lydians at Assesus in
Milesia.

20. Thus much I know from information
given me by the Delphians; the remainder of
the story the Milesians add.

The answer made by the oracle came to the
ears of Periander, son of Cypseius, who was a
very close friend to Thrasybulus, tyrant of
Miletus at that period. He instantly despatched
a messenger to report the oracle to him, in or-

]

THE HISTORY

der that Thrasybulus, forewarned of its tenor,
might the better adapt his measures to the pos-
ture of affairs.

21. Alyattes, the moment that the words of
the oracle were reported to him, sent a herald to
Miletus in hopes of concluding a truce with
Thrasybulus and the Milesians for such a time
as was needed to rebuild the temple. The herald
went upon his way; but meantime Thrasybu-
lus had been apprised of everything; and con-
jecturing what Alyattes would do, he contrived
this artifice. He had all the corn that was in the
city, whether belonging to himself or to private
persons, brought into the market-place, and
issued an order that the Milesians should hold
themselves in readiness, and, when he gave the
signal, should, one and all, fall to drinking and
revelry.

22. The purpose for which he gave these or-
ders was the following. He hoped that the Sar-
dian herald, seeing so great store of corn upon
the ground, and all the city given up to festiv-
ity, would inform Alyattes of it, which fell out
as he anticipated. The herald observed the
whole, and when he had delivered his message,
went back to Sardis. This circumstance alone,
as I gather, brought about the peace which en-
sued. Alyattes, who had hoped that there was
now a great scarcity of corn in Miletus, and
that the people were worn down to the last
pitch of suffering, when he heard from the
herald on his return from Miletus tidings so
contrary to those he had expected, made a
treaty with the enemy by which the two na-
tions became close friends and allies. He then
built at Assesus two temples to Minerva in-
stead of one, and shortly after recovered from
his malady. Such were the chief circumstances
of the war which Alyattes waged with Thra-
sybulus and the Milesians.

23. This Periander, who apprised Thrasybu-
lus of the oracle, was son of Cypselus, and ty-
rant of Corinth. In his time a very wonderful
thing is said to have happened. The Corinthi-
ans and the Lesbians agree in their account of
the matter. They relate that Arion of Methym-
na, who as a player on the harp, was second to
no man living at that time, and who was, so
far as we know, the first to invent the dithy-
rambic measure, to give it its name, and to re-
cite in it at Corinth, was carried to Taenarum
on the back of a dolphin.

24. He had lived for many years at the court
of Periander, when a longing came upon him
to sail across to Italy and Sicily. Having made
rich profits in those parts, he wanted to recross

the seas to Corinth. He therefore hired a vessel,
the crew of which were Corinthians, thinking
that there was no people in whom he could
more safely confide; and, going on board, he
set sail from Tarentum. The sailors, however,
when they reached the open sea, formed a plot
to throw him overboard and seize upon his
riches. Discovering their design, he fell on his
knees, beseeching them to spare his life, and
making them welcome to his money. But they
refused; and required him either to kill him-
self outright, if he wished for a grave on the
dry land, or without loss of time to leap over-
board into the sea. In this strait Arion begged
them, since such was their pleasure, to allow
him to mount upon the quarter-deck, dressed
in his full costume, and there to play and sing,
and promising that, as soon as his song was
ended, he would destroy himself. Delighted at
the prospect of hearing the very best harper in
the world, they consented, and withdrew from
the stern to the middle of the vessel: while
Arion dressed himself in the full costume of his
calling, took his harp, and standing on the
quarter-deck, chanted the Orthian. His strain
ended, he flung himself, fully attired as he was,
headlong into the sea. The Corinthians then
sailed on to Corinth. As for Arion, a dolphin,
they say, took him upon his back and carried
him to Taenarum, where he went ashore, and
thence proceeded to Corinth in his musician's
dress, and told all that had happened to him.
Periander, however, disbelieved the story, and
put Anon in ward, to prevent his leaving Cor-
inth, while he watched anxiously for the re-
turn of the mariners. On their arrival he sum-
moned them before him and asked them if
they could give him any tiding of Arion. They
returned for answer that he was alive and in
good health in Italy, and that they had left him
at Tarentum, where he was doing well. There-
upon Arion appeared before them, just as he
was when he jumped from the vessel: the men,
astonished and detected in falsehood, could no
longer deny their guilt. Such is the account
which the Corinthians and Lesbians give; and
there is to this day at Tacnarum, an offering of
Arion's at the shrine, which is a small figure in
bronze, representing a man seated upon a
dolphin.

25. Having brought the war with the Mile-
sians to a close, and reigned over the land of
Lydia for fifty-seven years, Alyattes died. He
was the second prince of his house who made
offerings at Delphi. His gifts, which he sent on
recovering from his sickness, were a great

HERODOTUS

f BOOK i

bowl of pure silver, with a salver in steel curi-
ously inlaid, a work among all the offerings at
Delphi the best worth looking at. Glaucus, the
Chian, made it, the man who first invented the
art of inlaying steel.

26. On the death of Alyattcs, Croesus, his
son, who was thirty-five years old, succeeded to
the throne. Of the Greek cities, Ephesus was the
first that he attacked. The Ephesians, when he
laid siege to the place, made an offering of
their city to Diana, by stretching a rope from
the town wall to the temple of the goddess,
which was distant from the ancient city, then
besieged by Croesus, a space of seven furlongs.
They were, as I said, the first Greeks whom he
attacked. Afterwards, on some pretext or other,
he made war in turn upon every Ionian and
JEolian state, bringing forward, where he
could, a substantial ground of complaint; where
such failed him, advancing some poor excuse.

27. In this way he made himself master of
all the Greek cities in Asia, and forced them to
become his tributaries; after which he began to
think of building ships, and attacking the
islanders. Everything had been got ready for
this purpose, when Bias of Priene (or, as some
say, Pittacus the Mytilenean) put a stop to the
project. The king had made inquiry of this
person, who was lately arrived at Sardis, if
there were any news from Greece; to which he
answered, "Yes, sire, the islanders are gather-
ing ten thousand horse, designing an expedi-
tion against thce and against thy capital." Croe-
sus, thinking he spake seriously, broke out,
"Ah, might the gods put such a thought into
their minds as to attack the sons of the Lydians
with cavalry!" "It seems, oh' king," rejoined
the other, "that thou desirest earnestly to catch
the islanders on horseback upon the mainland,
thou knowest well what would come of it.
But what thinkest thou the islanders desire bet-
ter, now that they hear thou art about to build
ships and sail against them, than to catch the
Lydians at sea, and there revenge on them the
wrongs of their brothers upon the mainland,
whom thou boldest in slavery?" Croesus was
charmed with the turn of the speech; and
thinking there was reason in what was said,
gave up his ship-building and concluded a
league of amity with the lonians of the isles.

28. Croesus afterwards, in the course of
many years, brought under his sway almost all
the nations to the west of the Halys. The Lyci-
ans and Cilicians alone continued free; all the
other tribes he reduced and held in subjection.
They were the following: the Lydians, Phryg-

ians, Mysians, Mariandynians, Chalybians,
Paphlagonians, Thynian and Bithynian Thra-
cians, Carians, lonians, Dorians, ^Eolians and
Pamphylians. 1

29. When all these conquests had been
added to the Lydian empire, and the prosperity
of Sardis was now at its height, there came
thither, one after another, all the sages of
Greece living at the time, and among them
Solon, the Athenian. He was on his travels,
having left Athens to be absent ten years, un-
der the pretence of wishing to see the world,
but really to avoid being forced to repeal any
of the laws which, at the request of the Athen-
ians, he had made for them. Without his sanc-
tion the Athenians could not repeal them, as
they had bound themselves under a heavy
curse to be governed for ten years by the laws
which should be imposed on them by Solon.

30. On this account, as well as to see the
world, Solon set out upon his travels, in the
course of which he went to Egypt to the court
of Amasis, and also came on a visit to Croesus
at Sardis. Croesus received him as his guest,
and lodged him in the royal palace. On the
third or fourth day after, he bade his servants
conduct Solon over his treasuries, and show
him all their greatness and magnificence.
When he had seen them all, and, so far as time
allowed, inspected them, Croesus addressed
this question to him. "Stranger of Athens, we
have heard much of thy wisdom and of thy
travels through many lands, from love of
knowledge and a wish to see the world. I am
curious therefore to inquire of thee, whom, of
all the men that thou hast seen, thou deemest
the most happy?" This he asked because he
thought himself the happiest of mortals: but
Solon answered him without flattery, accord-
ing to his true sentiments, "Tellus of Athens,
sire." Full of astonishment at what he heard,
Croesus demanded sharply, "And wherefore
dost thou deem Tellus happiest?" To which
the other replied, "First, because his country
was flourishing in his days, and he himself had
sons both beautiful and good, and he lived to
see children born to each of them, and these
children all grew up; and further because, after
a life spent in what our people look upon as
comfort, his end was surpassingly glorious. In
a battle between the Athenians and their

1 It is not quite correct to speak of the Cilici-
ans as dwelling within (i.e., west of) the Halys,
for the Halys in its upper course ran through
Cilicia (M KtXfew, I. 72), and that country lay
chiefly south of the river.

26-32]

THE HISTORY

neighbours near Eleusis, he came to the assist-
ance of his countrymen, routed the foe, and
died upon the field most gallantly. The Athe-
nians gave him a public funeral on the spot
where he fell, and paid him the highest hon-
ours."

31. Thus did Solon admonish Croesus by the
example of Tellus, enumerating the manifold
particulars of his happiness. When he had
ended, Crcesus inquired a second time, who
after Tellus seemed to him the happiest, ex-
pecting that at any rate, he would be given the
second place. "Cleobis and Bito," Solon an-
swered; "they were of Argive race; their for-
tune was enough for their wants, and they
were besides endowed with so much bodily
strength that they had both gained prizes at
the Games. Also this tale is told of them:
There was a great festival in honour of the
goddess Juno at Argos, to which their mother
must needs be taken in a car. Now the oxen
did not come home from the field in time: so
the youths, fearful of being too late, put the
yoke on their own necks, and themselves drew
the car in which their mother rode. Five and
forty furlongs did they draw her, and stopped
before the temple. This deed of theirs was wit-
nessed by the whole assembly of worshippers,
and then their life closed in the best possible
way. Herein, too, God showed forth most evi-
dently, how much better a thing for man death
is than life. For the Argive men, who stood
around the car, extolled the vast strength of the
youths; and the Argive women extolled the
mother who was blessed with such a pair of
sons; and the mother herself, overjoyed at the
deed and at the praises it had won, standing
straight before the image, besought the god-
dess to bestow on Cleobis and Bito, the sons
who had so mightily honoured her, the highest
blessing to which mortals can attain. Her
prayer ended, they offered sacrifice and par-
took of the holy banquet, after which the two
youths fell asleep in the temple. They never
woke more, but so passed from the earth. The
Argives, looking on them as among the best of
men, caused statues of them to be made, which
they gave to the shrine at Delphi."

32. When Solon had thus assigned these
youths the second place, Crcesus broke in an-
grily, "What, stranger of Athens, is my happi-
ness, then, so utterly set at nought by thec, that
thou dost not even put me on a level with
private men?"

"Oh! Croesus," replied the other, "thou ask-
edst a question concerning the condition of

man, of one who knows that the power above
us is full of jealousy, and fond of troubling our
lot. A long life gives one to witness much, and
experience much oneself, that one would not
choose. Seventy years I regard as the limit of
the life of man. In these seventy years are con-
tained, without reckoning intercalary months,
twenty-five thousand and two hundred days.
Add an intercalary month to every other year,
that the seasons may come round at the right
time, and there will be, besides the seventy
years, thirty-five such months, making an addi-
tion of one thousand and fifty days. The whole
number of the days contained in the seventy
years will thus be twenty-six thousand two
hundred and fifty, whereof not one but will
produce events unlike the rest. Hence man is
wholly accident. For thyself, oh! Croesus, I see
that thou art wonderfully rich, and art the lord
of many nations; but with respect to that
whereon thou questionest me, I have no an-
swer to give, until I hear that thou hast closed
thy life happily. For assuredly he who possesses
great store of riches is no nearer happiness
than he who has what suffices for his daily
needs, unless it so hap that luck attend upon
him, and so he continue in the enjoyment of
all his good things to the end of life. For many
of the wealthiest men have been unfavoured of
fortune, and many whose means were moder-
ate have had excellent luck. Men of the former
class excel those of the latter but in two re-
spects; these last excel the former in many. The
wealthy man is better able to content his de-
sires, and to bear up against a sudden buffet of
calamity. The other has less ability to with-
stand these evils (from which, however, his
good luck keeps him clear), but he enjoys all
these following blessings: he is whole of limb,
a stranger to disease, free from misfortune,
happy in his children, and comely to look
upon. If, in addition to all this, he end his life
well, he is of a truth the man of whom thou art
in search, the man who may rightly be termed
happy. Call him, however, until he die, not
happy but fortunate. Scarcely, indeed, can any
man unite all these advantages: as there is no
country which contains within it all that it
needs, but each, while it possesses some things,
lacks others, and the best country is that which
contains the most; so no single human being is
complete in every respect something is al-
ways lacking. He who unites the greatest num-
ber of advantages, and retaining them to the
day of his death, then dies peaceably, that man
alone, sire, is, in my judgment, entitled to bear

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

the name of 'happy.' But in every matter it be-
hoves us to mark well the end: for oftentimes
God gives men a gleam of happiness, and then
plunges them into ruin."

33. Such was the speech which Solon ad-
dressed to Croesus, a speech which brought
him neither largess nor honour. The king saw
him depart with much indifference, since he
thought that a man must be an arrant fool who
made no account of present good, but bade
men always wait and mark the end.

34. After Solon had gone away a dreadful
vengeance, sent of God, came upon Croesus, to
punish him, it is likely, for deeming himself
the happiest of men. First he had a dream in
the night, which foreshowed him truly the
evils that were about to befall him in the per-
son of his son. For Croesus had two sons, one
blasted by a natural defect, being deaf and
dumb; the other, distinguished far above all
his co-mates in every pursuit. The name of the
last was Atys. It was this son concerning whom
he dreamt a dream that he would die by the
blow of an iron weapon. When he woke, he
considered earnestly with himself, and, greatly
alarmed at the dream, instantly made his son
take a wife, and whereas in former years the
youth had been wont to command the Lydian
forces in the field, he now would not suffer
him to accompany them. All the spears and
javelins, and weapons used in the wars, he re-
moved out of the male apartments, and laid
them in heaps in the chambers of the women,
fearing lest perhaps one of the weapons that
hung against the wall might fall and strike
him.

35. Now it chanced that while he was mak-
ing arrangements for the wedding, there came
to Sardis a man under a misfortune, who had
upon him the stain of blood. He was by race a
Phrygian, and belonged to the family of the
king. Presenting himself at the palace of Croe-
sus, he prayed to be admitted to purification
according to the customs of the country. Now
the Lydian method of purifying is very nearly
the same as the Greek. Croesus granted the re-
quest, and went through all the customary
rites, after which he asked the suppliant of his
birth and country, addressing him as follows:
"Who art thou, stranger, and from what part
of Phrygia Reddest thou to take refuge at my
hearth? And whom, moreover, what man or
what woman, hast thou slain?" "Oh! king,"
replied the Phrygian, "I am the son of Gordias,
son of Midas. I am named Adrastus. The man
I unintentionally slew was my own brother.

For this my father drove me from the land,
and I lost all. Then fled I here to thee." "Thou
art the offspring," Croesus rejoined, "of a house
friendly to mine, and thou art come to friends.
Thou shalt want for nothing so long as thou
abidest in my dominions. Bear thy misfortune
as easily as thou mayest, so will it go best with
thee." Thenceforth Adrastus lived in the pal-
ace of the king.

36. It chanced that at this very same time
there was in the Mysian Olympus a huge mon-
ster of a boar, which went forth often from this
mountain country, and wasted the corn-fields
of the Mysians. Many a time had the Mysians
collected to hunt the beast, but instead of doing
him any hurt, they came off always with some
loss to themselves. At length they sent ambas-
sadors to Croesus, who delivered their message
to him in these words: "Oh! king, a mighty
monster of a boar has appeared in our parts,
and destroys the labour of our hands. We do
our best to take him, but in vain. Now there-
fore we beseech thee to let thy son accompany
us back, with some chosen youths and hounds,
that we may rid our country of the animal."
Such was the tenor of their prayer.

But Croesus bethought him of his dream, and
answered, "Say no more of my son going with
you; that may not be in any wise. He is but just
joined m wedlock, and is busy enough with
that. I will grant you a picked band of Lydi-
ans, and all my huntsmen and hounds; and I
will charge those whom I send to use all zeal
in aiding you to rid your country of the brute."

37. With this reply the Mysians were con-
tent; but the king's son, hearing what the
prayer of the Mysians was, came suddenly in,
and on the refusal of Croesus to let him go with
them, thus addressed his father: "Formerly,
my father, it was deemed the noblest and most
suitable thing for me to frequent the wars and
hunting-parties, and win myself glory in them;
but now thou keepest me away from both, al-
though thou hast never beheld in me either
cowardice or lack of spirit. What face mean-
while must I wear as I walk to the forum or
return from it? What must the citizens, what
must my young bride think of me? What sort
of man will she suppose her husband to be?
Either, therefore, let me go to the chase of this
boar, or give me a reason why it is best for me
to do according to thy wishes."

38. Then Croesus answered, "My son, it is
not because I have seen in thee either coward-
ice or aught else which has displeased me
that I keep thee back; but because a vision

33-45]

which came before me in a dream as I slept,
warned me that thou wert doomed to die
young, pierced by an iron weapon. It was this
which first led me to hasten on thy wedding,
and now it hinders me from sending thee upon
this enterprise. Fain would I keep watch over
thee, if by any means I may cheat fate of thee
during my own lifetime. For thou art the one
and only son that I possess; the other, whose
hearing is destroyed, I regard as if he were
not."

39. "Ah! father," returned the youth, "I
blame thee not for keeping watch over me after
a dream so terrible; but if thou mistakest, if
thou dost not apprehend the dream aright, 'tis
no blame for me to show thee wherein thou
errest. Now the dream, thou saidst thyself,
foretold that I should die stricken by an iron
weapon. But what hands has a boar to strike
with? What iron weapon does he wield ? Yet
this is what thou fearest for me. Had the
dream said that I should die pierced by a tusk,
then thou hadst done well to keep me away;
but it said a weapon. Now here we do not com-
bat men, but a wild animal. I pray thee, there-
fore, let me go with them."

40. "There thou hast me, my son," said
Croesus, "thy interpretation is better than
mine. I yield to it, and change my mind, and
consent to let thee go."

41. Then the king sent for Adrastus, the
Phrygian, and said to him, "Adrastus, when
thou wert smitten with the rod of affliction
no reproach, my friend I purified thee, and
have taken thee to live with me in my palace,
and have been at every charge. Now, therefore,
it behoves thee to requite the good offices
which thou hast received at my hands by con-
senting to go with my son on this hunting
party, and to watch over him, if perchance you
should be attacked upon the road by some band
of daring robbers. Even apart from this, it
were right for thee to go where thou mayest
make thyself famous by noble deeds. They are
the heritage of thy family, and thou too art so
stalwart and strong."

42. Adrastus answered, "Except for thy re-
quest, Oh! king, I would rather have kept
away from this hunt; for methinks it ill be-
seems a man under a misfortune such as mine
to consort with his happier compeers; and be-
sides, I have no heart to it. On many grounds I
had stayed behind; but, as thou urgest it, and I
am bound to pleasure thee (for truly it does
behove me to requite thy good offices), I am
content to do as thou wishest. For thy son,

THE HISTORY

whom thou givest into my charge, be sure
thou shalt receive him back safe and sound,
so far as depends upon a guardian's care-
fulness."

43. Thus assured, Croesus let them depart,
accompanied by a band of picked youths, and
well provided with dogs of chase. When they
reached Olympus, they scattered in quest of
the animal; he was soon found, and the hunters,
drawing round him in a circle, hurled their
weapons at him. Then the stranger, the man
who had been purified of blood, whose name
was Adrastus, he also hurled his spear at the
boar, but missed his aim, and struck Atys.
Thus was the son of Croesus slain by the point
of an iron weapon, and the warning of the
vision was fulfilled. Then one ran to Sardis to
bear the tidings to the king, and he came and
informed him of the combat and of the fate
that had befallen his son.

44. If it was a heavy blow to the father to
learn that his child was dead, it yet more
strongly affected him to think that the very
man whom he himself once purified had clone
the deed. In the violence of his grief he called
aloud on Jupiter Catharsius to be a witness of
what he had suffered at the stranger's hands.
Afterwards he invoked the same god as Jupiter
Ephistius and Hetarreus using the one term
because he had unwittingly harboured in his
house the man who had now slain his son; and
the other, because the stranger, who had been
sent as his child's guardian, had turned out his
most cruel enemy.

45. Presently the Lydians arrived, bearing
the body of the youth, and behind them fol-
lowed the homicide. He took his stand in front
of the corse, and, stretching forth his hands to
Croesus, delivered himself into his power with
earnest entreaties that he would sacrifice him
upon the body of his son "his former misfor-
tune was burthen enough; now that he had
added to it a second, and had brought ruin on
the man who purified him, he could not bear
to live." Then Croesus, when he heard these
words, was moved with pity towards Adrastus,
notwithstanding the bitterness of his own ca-
lamity; and so he answered, "Enough, my
friend; I have all the revenge that I require,
since thou givest sentence of death against thy-
self. But in sooth it is not thou who hast in-
jured me, except so far as thou hast unwit-
tingly dealt the blow. Some god is the author
of my misfortune, and I was forewarned of it
a long time ago." Crasus after this buried the
body of his son, with such honours as befitted

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

the occasion. Adrastus* son of Gordias, son of
Midas, the destroyer of his brother in time
past, the destroyer now of his purifier, regard-
ing himself as the most unfortunate wretch
whom he had ever known, so soon as all was
quiet about the place, slew himself upon the
tomb. Croesus, bereft of his son, gave himself
up to mourning for two full years.

46. At the end of this time the grief of Croe-
sus was interrupted by intelligence from
abroad. He learnt that Cyrus, the son of Cam-
by scs, had destroyed the empire of Astyages,
the son of Cyaxares; and that the Persians were
becoming daily more powerful. This led him
to consider with himself whether it were possi-
ble to check the growing power of that people
before it came to a head. With this design he
resolved to make instant trial of the several ora-
cles in Greece, and ot the one in Libya. So he
sent his messengers in different directions,
some to Delphi, some to Abae in Phocis, and
some to Dodona; others to the oracle of Am-
phiaraus; others to that of Trophonius; others,
again, to Branchidse in Milesia. These were the
Greek oracles which he consulted. To Libya he
sent another embassy, to consult the oracle of
Ammon. These messengers were sent to test
the knowledge of the oracles, that, if they were
found really to return true answers, he might
send a second time, and inquire if he ought to
attack the Persians.

47. The messengers who were despatched to
make trial of the oracles were given the follow-
ing instructions: they were to keep count of
the days from the time of their leaving Sardis,
and, reckoning from that date, on the hun-
dredth day they were to consult the oracles,
and to inquire of them what Croesus the son of
Alyattes, king of Lydia, was doing at that mo-
ment. The answers given them were to be
taken down in writing, and brought back to
him. None of the replies remain on record ex-
cept that of the oracle at Delphi. There, the
moment that the Lydians entered the sanctu-
ary, and before they put their questions, the
Pythoness thus answered them in hexameter
verse:

/ cun count the sands, and I can measutc the

ocean,
1 have ears for the silent, and l(now what the

dumb man mcaneth;
Lo! on my sense there stn^eth the smell of a

shell-covered tortoise,
Boiling now on a fire, with the flesh of a lamb,

in a cauldron
Brass is the vessel below, and brass the cover

above it.

48. These words the Lydians wrote down at
the mouth of the Pythoness as she prophesied,
and then set off on their return to Sardis.
When all the messengers had come back with
the answers which they had received, Croesus
undid the rolls, and read what was written in
each. Only one approved itself to him, that of
the Delphic oracle. This he had no sooner
heard than he instantly made an act of adora-
tion, and accepted it as true, declaring that the
Delphic was the only really oracular shrine, the
only one that had discovered in what way he
was in fact employed. For on the departure of
his messengers he had set himself to think what
was most impossible for any one to conceive of
his doing, and then, waiting till the day agreed
on came, he acted as he had determined. He
took a tortoise and a lamb, and cutting them
in pieces with his own hands, boiled them both
together in a brazen cauldron, covered over
with a lid which was also of brass.

49. Such then was the answer returned to
Croesus from Delphi. What the answer was
which the Lydians who went to the shrine of
Amphiaraus and performed the customary
rites obtained of the oracle there, I have it not
in my power to mention, for there is no record
of it. All that is known is that Croesus be-
lieved himself to have found there also an ora-
cle which spoke the truth.

50. After this Croesus, having resolved to
propitiate the Delphic god with a magnificent
sacrifice, offered up three thousand of every
kind of sacrificial beast, and besides made a
huge pile, and placed upon it couches coated
with silver and with gold, and golden goblets,
and robes and vests of purple; all which he
burnt in the hope of thereby making himself
more secure of the favour of the god. Further
he issued his orders to all the people of the land
to offer a sacrifice according to their means.
When the sacrifice was ended, the king melted
down a vast quantity of gold, and ran it into
ingots, making them six palms long, three
palms broad, and one palm in thickness. The
number of ingots was a hundred and seven-
teen, four being of refined gold, in weight two
talents and a half; the others of pale gold, and
in weight two talents. He also caused a statue
of a lion to be made in refined gold, the weight
of which was ten talents. At the time when the
temple of Delphi was burnt to the ground, this
lion fell from the ingots on which it was
placed; it now stands in the Corinthian treas-
ury, and weighs only six talents and a half,
having lost three talents and a half by the fire.

46-56]

5 1 . On the completion of these works Croe-
sus sent them away to Delphi, and with them
two bowls of an enormous size, one of gold, the
other of silver, which used to stand, the latter
upon the right, the former upon the left, as one
entered the temple. They too were moved at
the time of the fire; and now the golden one is
in the Clazomenian treasury, and weighs eight
talents and forty-two minae; the silver one
stands in the corner of the ante-chapel, and
holds six hundred amphorae. This is known
because the Delphians fill it at the time of the
Theophama. It is said by the Delphians to be a
work of Theodore the Samian, and I think that
they say true, for assuredly it is the work of no
common artist. Cro?sus sent also four silver
casks, which are in the Corinthian treasury,
and two lustral vases, a golden and a silver one.
On the former is inscribed the name of the
Lacedemonians, and they claim it as a gift of
theirs, but wrongly, since it was really given by
Croesus. The inscription upon it was cut by a
Delphian, who wished to pleasure the Lace-
daemonians. His name is known to me, but I
forbear to mention it. The boy, through whose
hand the water runs, is (I confess) a Lacedae-
monian gift, but they did not give either of the
lustral vases. Besides these various offerings,
Croesus sent to Delphi many others of less ac-
count, among the rest a number of round silver
basins. Also he dedicated a female figure in
gold, three cubits high, which is said by the
Delphians to be the statue of his baking-
woman; and further, he presented the necklace
and the girdles of his wife.

52. These were the offerings sent by Croesus
to Delphi. To the shrine of Amphiaraus, with
whose valour and misfortune he was ac-
quainted, he sent a shield entirely of gold, and
a spear, also of solid gold, both head and shaft.
They were still existing in my day at Thebes,
laid up in the temple of Ismenian Apollo.

53. The messengers who had the charge of
conveying these treasures to the shrines, re-
ceived instructions to ask the oracles whether
Croesus should go to war with the Persians,
and if so, whether he should strengthen him-
self by the forces of an ally. Accordingly, when
they had reached their destinations and pre-
sented the gifts, they proceeded to consult the
oracles in the following terms: "Croesus,
king of Lydia and other countries, believing
that these are the only real oracles in all the
world, has sent you such presents as your dis-
coveries deserved, and now inquires of you
whether he shall go to war with the Persians,

THE HISTORY

and if so, whether he shall strengthen himself
by the forces of a confederate." Both the ora-
cles agreed in the tenor of their reply, which
was in each case a prophecy that if Croesus at-
tacked the Persians, he would destroy a mighty
empire, and a recommendation to him to look
and see who were the most powerful of the
Greeks, and to make alliance with them.

54. At the receipt of these oracular replies
Croesus was overjoyed, and feeling sure now
that he would destroy the empire of the Per-
sians, he sent once more to Pytho, and present-
ed to the Delphians, the number of whom he
had ascertained, two gold staters apiece. In re-
turn for this the Delphians granted to Croesus
and the Lydians the privilege of precedency in
consulting the oracle, exemption from all
charges, the most honourable seat at the festi-
vals, and the perpetual right of becoming at
pleasure citizens of their town.

55. After sending these presents to the Del-
phians, Croesus a third time consulted the ora-
cle, for having once proved its truthfulness, he
wished to make constant use of it. The ques-
tion whereto he now desired an answer was
"Whether his kingdom would be of long dura-
tion?" The following was the reply of the
Pythoness:

Wait till the time shall come when a mule is

monarch of Media,
Then, thou delicate Lydian, away to the pebbles

of Hermus,
Haste, oh I haste thec away t nor blush to behave

lit(e a coward.

56. Of all the answers that had reached him,
this pleased him far the best, for it seemed in-
credible that a mule should ever come to be
king of the Mcdes, and so he concluded that
the sovereignty would never depart from him-
self or his seed after him. Afterwards he turned
his thoughts to the alliance which he had been
recommended to contract, and sought to ascer-
tain by inquiry which was the most powerful
of the Grecian states. His inquiries pointed out
to him two states as pre-eminent above the rest.
These were the Lacedaemonians and the Athe-
nians, the former of Doric, the latter of Ionic
blood. And indeed these two nations had held
from very early times the most distinguished
place in Greece, the one being a Pelasgic, the
other a Hellenic people, and the one having
never quitted its original seats, while the other
had been excessively migratory; for during the
reign of Deucalion, Phthiotis was the country
in which the Hellenes dwelt, but under Dorus,

HERODOTUS

f BOOR i

the son of Hellcn, they moved to the tract at
the base of Ossa and Olympus, which is called
Histixotis; forced to retire from that region by
the Cadmeians, 1 they settled, under the name of
Macedni, in the chain of Pindus. Hence they
once more removed and came to Dryopis; and
from Dryopis having entered the Peloponnese
in this way, they became known as Dorians.

57. What the language of the Pelasgi was I
cannot say with any certainty. If, however, we
may form a conjecture from the tongue spoken
by the Pelasgi of the present day those, for
instance, who live at Creston above the Tyrr-
henians, who formerly dwelt in the district
named Thessaliotis, and were neighbours of
the people now called the Dorians or those
again who founded Placia and Scylacd upon
the Hellespont, who had previously dwelt for
some time with the Athenians or those, in
short, of any other of the cities which have
dropped the name but are in fact Pelasgian; if,
I say, we are to form a conjecture from any of
these, we must pronounce that the Pelasgi
spoke a barbarous language. If this were really
so, and the entire Pelasgic race spoke the same
tongue, the Athenians, who were certainly Pe-
lasgi, must have changed their language at the
same time that they passed into the Hellenic
body; for it is a certain fact that the people of
Creston speak a language unlike any of their
neighbours, and the same is true ot the Placi-
anians, while the language spoken by these two
people is the same; which shows that they both
retain the idiom which they brought with
them into the countries where they are now
settled.

58. The Hellenic race has never, since its
first origin, changed its speech. This at least
seems evident to me. It was a branch of the
Pelasgic, which separated from the main body,
and at first was scanty in numbers and of little
power; but it gradually spread and increased to
a multitude of nations, chiefly by the voluntary
entrance into its ranks of numerous tribes of
barbarians. The Pelasgi, on the other hand,
were, as I think, a barbarian race which never
greatly multiplied.

59. On inquiring into the condition of these
two nations, Croesus found that one, the Athe-
nian, was in a state of grievous oppression and
distraction under Pisistratus, the son of Hippo-
crates, who was at that time tyrant of Athens.

1 The race (their name merely signifying "the
Easterns' 1 ) who, in the ante-Trojan times, occu-
pied the country which was afterwards called
Bocotia.

Hippocrates, when he was a private citizen, is
said to have gone once upon a time to Olympia
to see the Games, when a wonderful prodigy
happened to him. As he was employed in sacri-
ficing, the cauldrons which stood near, full of
water and of the flesh of the victims, began to
boil without the help of fire, so that the water
overflowed the pots. Chilon the Lacedaemoni-
an, who happened to be there and to witness
the prodigy, advised Hippocrates, if he were
unmarried, never to take into his house a wife
who could bear him a child; if he already had
one, to send her back to her friends; if he had
a son, to disown him. Chilon's advice did not
at all please Hippocrates, who disregarded it,
and some time after became the father of Pisis-
tratus. This Pisistratus, at a time when there
was civil contention in Attica between the par-
ty of the Sea-coast headed by Megacles the son
of Alcmaeon, and that of the Plain headed by
Lycurgus, one of the Anstolaids, formed the
project of making himself tyrant, and with this
view created a third party. Gathering together
a band of partisans, and giving himself out for
the protector of the Highlanders, he contrived
the following stratagem. He wounded himself
and his mules, and then drove his chariot into
the market-place, professing to have just es-
caped an attack of his enemies, who had at-
tempted his life as he was on his way into the
country. He besought the people to assign him
a guard to protect his person, reminding them
of the glory which he had gained when he led
the attack upon the Megarians, and took the
town of Nisxa, at the same time performing
many other exploits. The Athenians, deceived
by his story, appointed him a band of citizens
to serve as a guard, who were to carry clubs in-
stead of spears, and to accompany him wher-
ever he went. Thus strengthened, Pisistratus
broke into revolt and seized the citadel. In this
way he acquired the sovereignty of Athens,
which he continued to hold without disturbing
the previously existing offices or altering any of
the laws. He administered the state according
to the established usages, and his arrangements
were wise and salutary.

60. However, after a little time, the partisans
of Megacles and those of Lycurgus agreed to
forget their differences, and united to drive
him out. So Pisistratus, having by the means
described first made himself master of Athens,
lost his power again before it had time to take
root. No sooner, however, was he departed
than the factions which had driven him out
quarrelled anew, and at last Megacles, wearied

57-^3]

with the struggle, sent a herald to Pisistratus,
with an offer to re-establish him on the throne
if he would marry his daughter. Pisistratus
consented, and on these terms an agreement
was concluded between the two, after which
they proceeded to devise the mode of his resto-
ration. And here the device on which they hit
was the silliest that I find on record, more es-
pecially considering that the Greeks have been
from very ancient times distinguished from the
barbarians by superior sagacity and freedom
from foolish simpleness, and remembering
that the persons &i whom this trick was played
were not only Greeks but Athenians, who have
the credit of surpassing all other Greeks in
cleverness. There was in the Paeanian district a
woman named Phya, whose height only fell
short of four cubits by three fingers' breadth,
and who was altogether comely to look upon.
This woman they clothed in complete armour,
and, instructing her as to the carriage which
she was to maintain in order to beseem her
part, they placed her in a chariot and drove to
the city. Heralds had been sent forward to pre-
cede her, and to make proclamation to this ef-
fect: "Citizens of Athens, receive again Pisis-
tratus with friendly minds. Minerva, who of all
men honours him the most, herself conducts
him back to her own citadel." This they pro-
claimed in all directions, and immediately the
rumour spread throughout the country dis-
tricts that Minerva was bringing back her fa-
vourite. They of the city also, fully persuaded
that the woman was the veritable goddess,
prostrated themselves before her, and received
Pisistratus back.

61. Pisistratus, having thus recovered the
sovereignty, married, according to agreement,
the daughter of Megacles. As, however, he had
already a family of grown up sons, and the
Alcmaronidae were supposed to be under a
curse, he determined that there should be no
issue of the marriage. His wife at first kept this
matter to herself, but after a time, either her
mother questioned her, or it may be that she
told it of her own accord. At any rate, she in-
formed her mother, and so it reached her fa-
ther's ears. Megacles, indignant at receiving an
affront from such a quarter, in his anger in-
stantly made up his differences with the oppo-
site faction, on which Pisistratus, aware of
what was planning against him, took himself
out of the country. Arrived at Eretria, he held
a council with his children to decide what was
to be done. The opinion of Hippias prevailed,
and it was agreed to aim at regaining the sov-

THE HISTORY

ereignty. The first step was to obtain advances
of money from such states as were under obli-
gations to them. By these means they collected
large sums from several countries, especially
from the Thebans, who gave them far more
than any of the rest. To be brief, time passed,
and all was at length got ready for their return.
A band of Argive mercenaries arrived from the
Peloponnese, and a certain Naxian named
Lygdamis, who volunteered his services, was
particularly zealous in the cause, supplying
both men and money.

62. In the eleventh year of their exile the
family of Pisistratus set sail from Eretria on
their return home. They made the coast of At-
tica, near Marathon, where they encamped,
and were joined by their partisans from the
capital and by numbers from the country dis-
tricts, who loved tyranny better than freedom.
At Athens, while Pisistratus was obtaining
funds, and even after he landed at Marathon,
no one paid any attention to his proceedings.
When, however, it became known that he had
left Marathon, and was marching upon the
city, preparations were made for resistance, the
whole force of the state was levied, and led
against the returning exiles. Meantime the
army of Pisistratus, which had broken up from
Marathon, meeting their adversaries near the
temple of the Palienian Minerva, pitched their
camp opposite them. Here a certain soothsayer,
Amphilytus by name, an Acarnanian, moved
by a divine impulse, came into the presence of
Pisistratus, and approaching him uttered thi>
prophecy in the hexameter measure:

Now has the cast been made, the net is out-spread

in the water,
Through the moonshiny night the tunnies will

enter the meshes.

63. Such was the prophecy uttered under a
divine inspiration. Pisistratus, apprehending
its meaning, declared that he accepted the ora-
cle, and instantly led on his army. The Athe-
nians from the city had just finished their mid-
day meal, after which they had betaken them-
selves, some to dice, others to sleep, when Pisis-
tratus with his troops fell upon them and put
them to the rout. As soon as the flight began,
Pisistratus bethought himself of a most wise
contrivance, whereby the Athenians might be
induced to disperse and not unite in a body any
more. He mounted his sons on horseback and
sent them on in front to overtake the fugitives,
and exhort them to be of good cheer, and re-
turn each man to his home. The Athenians

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

took the advice, and Pisistratus became for the
third time master of Athens.

64. Upon this he set himself to root his
power more firmly, by the aid of a numerous
body of mercenaries, and by keeping up a full
exchequer, partly supplied from native sources,
partly from the countries about the river Stry-
mon. He also demanded hostages from many
of the Athenians who had remained at home,
and not left Athens at his approach; and these
he sent to Naxos, which he had conquered by
force of arms, and given over into the charge of
Lygdamis. Farther, he purified the island of
Delos, according to the injunctions of an ora-
cle, after the following fashion. All the dead
bodies which had been interred within sight of
the temple he dug up, and removed to another
part of the isle. Thus was the tyranny of Pisis-
tratus established at Athens, many of the Athe-
nians having fallen in the battle, and many
others having fled the country together with
the son of Alcmeon.

65. Such was the condition of the Athenians
when Croesus made inquiry concerning them.
Proceeding to seek information concerning the
Lacedemonians, he learnt that, after passing
through a period of great depression, they had
lately been victorious in a war with the people
ot Tegea; for, during the joint reign of Leo and
Agasicles, kings of Sparta, the Lacedemon-
ians, successful in all their other wars, suffered
continual defeat at the hands of the Tegeans.
At a still earlier period they had been the very
worst governed people in Greece, as well in
matters of internal management as in their re-
lations towards foreigners, from whom they
kept entirely aloof. The circumstances which
led to their being well governed were the fol-
lowing: Lycurgus, a man of distinction
among the Spartans, had gone to Delphi, to
visit the oracle. Scarcely had he entered into
the inner fane, when the Pythoness exclaimed
aloud,

Oh 1 thou great Lycurgus, that com'st to my

heautijul dwelling,
Dear to fore, and to all who sit in the halls

of Olympus,
Whether to hail thee a god I t^now not. ot only

a mortal,
But my hope is strong that a god thou wilt

prove, Lycurgus.

Some report besides, that the Pythoness de-
livered to him the entire system of laws which
are still observed by the Spartans. The Lace-
demonians, however, themselves assert that Ly-

curgus, when he was guardian of his nephew,
Labotas, king of Sparta, and regent in his
room, introduced them from Crete; for as soon
as he became regent, he altered the whole of
the existing customs, substituting new ones,
which he took care should be observed by all.
After this he arranged whatever appertained
to war, establishing the Enomotie, Triacades,
and Syssitia, besides which he instituted the
senate, 1 and the ephoralty. Such was the way
in which the Lacedemonians became a well-
governed people.

66. On the death of Lycurf us they built him
a temple, and ever since they have worshipped
him with the utmost reverence. Their soil be-
ing good and the population numerous, they
sprang up rapidly to power, and became a
flourishing people. In consequence they soon
ceased to be satisfied to stay quiet; and, regard-
ing the Arcadians as very much their inferiors,
they sent to consult the oracle about conquer-
ing the whole of Arcadia. The Pythoness thus
answered them:

Ctavest thou Atcady? Bold is thy ciating. I shall

not content it.
Many the men that in Arcady dwell, whose food

is the acorn
They will nevet allow thee. It is not I that am

niggard.
1 will give thee to dance in Tegea, with noisy

foot-jail,
And with the measunng line mete out the glon-

ous champaign.

When the Lacedemonians received this reply,
leaving the rest of Arcadia untouched, they
marched against the Tegeans, carrying with
them fetters, so confident had this oracle
(which was, in truth, but of base metal) made
them that they would enslave the Tegeans.
The battle, However, went against them, and
many fell into the enemy's hands. Then these
persons, wearing the fetters which they had
themselves brought, and fastened together in a
string, measured the Tegean plain as they exe-
cuted their labours. The fetters in which they
worked were still, in my day, preserved at
Tegea where they hung round the walls of the
temple of Minerva Alea.

67. Throughout the whole of this early con-
test with the Tegeans, the Lacedemonians met
with nothing but defeats; but in the time of

1 It is quite inconceivable that Lycurgus should
in any sense have instituted the senate. Lycurgus
appears to have made scarcely any changes in the
constitution. What he did was to alter the cus-
toms and habits of the people.

64-69]

THE HISTORY

Croesus, under the kings Anaxand rides and
Aristo, fortune had turned in their favour, in
the manner which I will now relate. Having
been worsted in every engagement by their
enemy, they sent to Delphi, and inquired of
the oracle what god they must propitiate to pre-
vail in the war against the Tegeans. The an-
swer of the Pythoness was that before they
could prevail, they must remove to Sparta the
bones of Orestes, the son of Agamemnon. Un-
able to discover his burial-place, they sent a
second time, and asked the god where the body
of the hero had been laid. The following was
the answer they received:

Le vel and smooth is the plain where Arcadian

Tegea standcth;
There two winds are ever, by strong necessity,

blowing,
Counter-strode answers strode, and evil lies upon

evil.
There all-teeming Earth doth harbour the son of

Atndes;
Bring thou him to thy city, and then be Tegea 9 s

master.

After this reply, the Lacedemonians were no
nearer discovering the burial-place than before,
though they continued to search for it dili-
gently; until at last a man named Lichas, one
of the Spartans called Agathoergi, found it.
The Agathoergi are citizens who have just
served their time among the knights. The five
eldest of the knights go out every year, and are
bound during the year after their discharge to
go wherever the State sends them, and actively
employ themselves in its service.

68. Lichas was one of this body when, partly
by good luck, partly by his own wisdom, he
discovered the burial-place. Intercourse be-
tween the two States existing just at this time,
he went to Tegea, and, happening to enter into
the workshop of a smith, he saw him forging
some iron. As he stood marvelling at what
he beheld, 1 he was observed by the smith
who, leaving off his work, went up to him
and said,

"Certainly, then, you Spartan stranger, you
would have been wonderfully surprised if you
had seen what I have, since you make a marvel
even of the working in iron. I wanted to make
myself a well in this room, and began to dig it,
when what think you? I came upon a coffin
seven cubits long. I had never believed that
men were taller in the olden times than they
are now, so I opened the coffin. The body inside

1 Herodotus means to represent that the forging
of iron was a novelty at the time.

was of the same length: I measured it, and
filled up the hole again."

Such was the man's account of what he had
seen. The other, on turning the matter over in
his mind, conjectured that this was the body
of Orestes, of which the oracle had spoken. He
guessed so, because he observed that the smithy
had two bellows, which he understood to be
the two winds, and the hammer and anvil
would do for the stroke and the counterstroke,
and the iron that was being wrought for the
evil lying upon evil. This he imagined might
be so because iron had been discovered to the
hurt of man. Full of these conjectures, he sped
back to Sparta and laid the whole matter be-
fore his countrymen. Soon after, by a concerted
plan, they brought a charge against him, and
began a prosecution. Lichas betook himself to
Tegea, and on his arrival acquainted the smith
with his misfortune, and proposed to rent his
room of him. The smith refused for some
time; but at last Lichas persuaded him, and
took up his abode in it. Then he opened the
grave, and collecting the bones, returned with
them to Sparta. From henceforth, whenever
the Spartans and the Tegeans made trial of
each other's skill in arms, the Spartans always
had greatly the advantage; and by the time to
which we are now come they were masters of
most of the Peloponncse.

69. Croesus, informed of all these circum-
stances, sent messengers to Sparta, with gifts
in their hands, who were to ask the Spartans
to enter into alliance with him. They received
strict injunctions as to what they should say,
and on their arrival at Sparta spake as fol-
lows:

"Croesus, king of the Lydians and of other
nations, has sent us to speak thus to you: 'Oh!
Lacedaemonians, the god has bidden me to
make the Greek my friend; I therefore apply to
you, in conformity with the oracle, knowing
that you hold the first rank in Greece, and de-
sire to become your friend and ally in all true
faith and honesty/ "

Such was the message which Croesus sent by
his heralds. The Lacedaemonians, who were
aware beforehand of the reply given him by the
oracle, were full of joy at the coming of the
messengers, and at once took the oaths of
friendship and alliance: this they did the more
readily as they had previously contracted cer-
tain obligations towards him. They had sent
to Sardis on one occasion to purchase some
gold, intending to use it on a statue of Apollo
the statue, namely, which remains to this

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

day at Thornax in Laconia, when Croesus,
hearing of the matter, gave them as a gift the
gold which they wanted.

70. This was one reason why the Lacedae-
monians were so willing to make the alliance:
another was, because Croesus had chosen them
for his friends in preference to all the other
Greeks. They therefore held themselves in
readiness to come at his summons, and not con-
tent with so doing, they further had a huge
vase made in bronze, covered with figures of
animals all round the outside of the rim, and
large enough to contain three hundred am-
phora:, which they sent to Croesus as a return
for his presents to them. The vase, however,
never reached Sardis. Its miscarriage is ac-
counted for in two quite different ways. The
Lacedaemonian story is that when it reached
Samos, on its way towards Sardis, the Samians
having knowledge of it, put to sea in their
ships of war and made it their prize. But the
Samians declare that the Lacedarmonians who
had the vase in charge, happening to arrive too
late, and learning that Sardis had fallen and
that Croesus was a prisoner, sold it in their
island, and the purchasers (who were, they say,
private persons) made an offering of it at the
shrine of Juno: the sellers were very likely on
their return to Sparta to have said that they
had been robbed of it by the Samians. Such,
then, was the fate of the vase.

71. Meanwhile Croesus, taking the oracle in
a wrong sense, led his forces into Cappadocia,
fully expecting to defeat Cyrus and destroy the
empire of the Persians. While he was still en-
gaged in making preparations for his attack,
a Lydian named Sandanis, who had always
been looked upon as a wise man, but who after
this obtained a very great name indeed among
his countrymen, came forward and counselled
the king in these words:

"Thou art about, oh! king, to make war
against men who wear leathern trousers, and
have all their other garments of leather; who
feed not on what they like, but on what they
can get from a soil that is sterile and unkindly;
who do not indulge in wine, but drink water;
who possess no figs nor anything else that is
good to eat. If, then, thou conquerest them,
what canst thou get from them, seeing that
they have nothing at all? But if they conquer
thee, consider how much that is precious thou
wilt lose: if they once get a taste of our pleasant
things, they will keep such hold of them that
we shall never be able to make them loose their
grasp. For my part, I am thankful to the gods

that they have not put it into the hearts of the
Persians to invade Lydia."

Croesus was not persuaded by this speech,
though it was true enough; for before the con-
quest of Lydia, the Persians possessed none of
the luxuries or delights of life.

72. The Cappadocians are known to the
Greeks by the name of Syrians. Before the rise
of the Persian power, they had been subject to
the Medes; but at the present time they were
within the empire of Cyrus, for the boundary
between the Median and the Lydian empires
was the river Halys. This stream, which rises
in the mountain country of Armenia, runs
first through Cilicia; afterwards it flows for a
while with the Matieni on the right, and the
Phrygians on the left: then, when they are
passed, it proceeds with a northern course, sep-
arating the Cappadocian Syrians from the
Paphlagonians, who occupy the left bank, thus
forming the boundary of almost the whole of
Lower Asia, from the sea opposite Cyprus to
the Euxine. Just there is the neck of the penin-
sula, a journey of five days across for an active
walker.

73. There were two motives which led Croe-
sus to attack Cappadocia: firstly, he coveted
the land, which he wished to add to his own
dominions; but the chief reason was that he
wanted to revenge on Cyrus the wrongs of
Astyages, and was made confident by the ora-
cle of being able so to do: for Astyages, son
of Cyaxares and king of the Medes, who had
been dethroned by Cyrus, son of Cambyses,
was Croesus* brother by marriage. This mar-
riage had taken place under circumstances
which I will now relate. A band of Scythian
nomads, who had left their own land on occa-
sion of some disturbance, had taken refuge in
Media. Cyaxares, son of Phraortes, and grand-
son of Deioces, was at that time king of the
country. Recognising them as suppliants, he
began by treating them with kindness, and
coming presently to esteem them highly, he in-
trusted to their care a number of boys, whom
they were to teach their language and to in-
struct in the use of the bow. Time passed, and
the Scythians employed themselves, day after
day, in hunting, and always brought home
some game; but at last it chanced that one day
they took nothing. On their return to Cyaxares
with empty hands, that monarch, who was
hot-tempered, as he showed upon the occasion,
received them very rudely and insultingly. In
consequence of this treatment, which they did
not conceive themselves to have deserved, the

TO-;?]

Scythians determined to take one of the boys
whom they had in charge, cut him in pieces,
and then dressing the flesh as they were wont
to dress that of the wild animals, serve it up to
Cyaxares as game: after which they resolved to
convey themselves with all speed to Sardis, to
the court of Alyattes, the son of Sadyattes. The
plan was carried out: Cyaxares and his guests
ate of the flesh prepared by the Scythians, and
they themselves, having accomplished their
purpose, fled to Alyattes in the guise of suppli-
ants.

74. Afterwards, on the refusal of Alyattes to
give up his suppliants when Cyaxares sent to
demand them of him, war broke out between
the Lydians and the Medes, and continued for
five years, with various success. In the course
of it the Medes gained many victories over the
Lydians, and the Lydians also gained many
victories over the Medes. Among their other
battles there was one night engagement. As,
however, the balance had not inclined in fa-
vour of either nation, another combat took
place in the sixth year, in the course of which,
just as the battle was growing warm, day was
on a sudden changed into night. This event
had been foretold by Thales, the Milesian, who
forewarned the lonians of it, fixing for it the
very year in which it actually took place. The
Medes and Lydians, when they observed the
change, ceased fighting, and were alike anx-
ious to have terms of peace agreed on. Syen-
nesis of Cilicia, and Labynetus of Babylon,
were the persons who mediated between the
parties, who hastened the taking of the oaths,
and brought about the exchange of espousals.
It was they who advised that Alyattes should
give his daughter Aryenis in marriage to Asty-
ages, the son of Cyaxares, knowing, as they
did, that without some sure bond of strong ne-
cessity, there is wont to be but little security in
men's covenants. Oaths are taken by these peo-
ple in the same way as by the Greeks, except
that they make a slight flesh wound in their
arms, from which each sucks a portion of the
other's blood.

75. Cyrus had captured this Astyages, who
was his mother's father, and kept him prison-
er, for a reason which I shall bring forward in
another part of my history. This capture
formed the ground of quarrel between Cyrus
and Croesus, in consequence of which Croesus
sent his servants to ask the oracle if he should
attack the Persians; and when an evasive an-
swer came, fancying it to be in his favour, car-
ried his arms into the Persian territory. When

THE HISTORY

he reached the river Halys, he transported his
army across it, as I maintain, by the bridges
which exist there at the present day; but, ac-
cording to the general belief of the Greeks, by
the aid of Thales the Milesian. The tale is that
Croesus was in doubt how he should get his
army across, as the bridges were not made at
that time, and that Thales, who happened to
be in the camp, divided the stream and caused
it to flow on both sides of the army instead of
on the left only. This he effected thus: Begin-
ning some distance above the camp, he dug a
deep channel, which he brought round in a
semicircle, so that it might pass to rearward of
the camp; and that thus the river, diverted
from its natural course into the new channel at
the point where this left the stream, might flow
by the station of the army, and afterwards fall
again into the ancient bed. In this way the
river was split into two streams, which were
both easily fordable. It is said by some that the
water was entirely drained off from the natural
bed of the river. But I am of a different opin-
ion; for I do not see how, in that case, they
could have crossed it on their return.

76. Having passed the Halys with the forces
under his command, Croesus entered the dis-
trict of Cappadocia which is called Ptena. It
lies in the neighbourhood of the city of Sinope'
upon the Euxine, and is the strongest position
in the whole country thereabouts. Here Croe-
sus pitched his camp, and began to ravage the
fields of the Syrians. He besieged and took the
chief city of the Pterians, and reduced the in-
habitants to slavery: he likewise made himself
master of the surrounding villages. Thus he
brought ruin on the Syrians, who were guilty
of no offence towards him. Meanwhile, Cyrus
had levied an army and marched against Croe-
sus, increasing his numbers at every step by
the forces of the nations that lay in his way.
Before beginning his march he had sent her-
alds to the lonians, with an invitation to them
to revolt from the Lydian king: they, however,
had refused compliance. Cyrus, notwithstand-
ing, marched against the enemy, and en-
camped opposite them in the district of Pteria,
where the trial of strength took place between
the contending powers. The combat was hot
and bloody, and upon both sides the number
of the slain was great; nor had victory declared
in favour of either party, when night came
down upon the battle-field. Thus both armies
fought valiantly.

77. Croesus laid the blame of his ill success
on the number of his troops, which fell very

HERODOTUS

[BOOK i

short of the enemy; and as on the next day Cy-
rus did not repeat the attack, he set off on his
return to Sardis, intending to collect his allies
and renew the contest in the spring. He meant
to call on the Egyptians to send him aid, ac-
cording to the terms of the alliance which he
had concluded with Amasis, previously to his
league with the Lacedemonians. He intended
also to summon to his assistance the Baby-
lonians, under their king Labynetus, for they
too were bound to him by treaty: and further,
he meant to send word to Sparta, and appoint
a day for the coming of their succours. Hav-
ing got together these forces in addition to his
own, he would, as soon as the winter was past
and springtime come, march once more
against the Persians. With these intentions
Croesus, immediately on his return, despatched
heralds to his various allies, with a request that
they would join him at Sardis in the course of
the fifth month from the time of the departure
of his messengers. He then disbanded the army
consisting of mercenary troops which had
been engaged with the Persians and had since
accompanied him to his capital, and let them
depart to their homes, never imagining that
Cyrus, after a battle in which victory had been
so evenly balanced, would venture to march
upon Sardis.

78. While Croesus was still in this mind, all
the suburbs of Sardis were found to swarm
with snakes, on the appearance ot which the
horses left feeding in the pasture-grounds, and
flocked to the suburbs to eat them. The king,
who witnessed the unusual sight, regarded it
very rightly as a prodigy. He therefore in-
stantly sent messengers to the soothsayers of
Telmessus, to consult them upon the matter.
His messengers reached the city, and obtained
from the Telmessians an explanation of what
the prodigy portended, but tate did not allow
them to inionn their lord; for ere they entered
Sardis on their return, Croesus was a prisoner.
What the Telmessians had declared was that
Croesus must look for the entry of an army of
foreign invaders into his country, and that
when they came they would subdue the native
inhabitants; since the snake, said they, is a
child of earth, and the horse a warrior and a
foreigner. Croesus was already a prisoner when
the Telmessians thus answered his inquiry,
but they had no knowledge of what was taking
place at Sardis, or of the fate of the monarch.

79. Cyrus, however, when Croesus broke up
so suddenly from his quarters after the battle
at Pteria, conceiving that he had marched

away with the intention of disbanding his
army, considered a little, and soon saw that it
was advisable for him to advance upon Sardis
with all haste, before the Lydians could get
their forces together a second time. Having
thus determined, he lost no time in carrying
out his plan. He marched forward with such
speed that he was himself the first to announce
his coming to the Lydian king. That monarch,
placed in the utmost difficulty by the turn of
events which had gone so entirely against all
his calculations, nevertheless led out the Lydi-
ans to battle. In all Asia there was not at that
time a braver or more warlike people. Their
manner of fighting was on horseback; they car-
ried long lances, and were clever in the man-
agement of their steeds.

80. The two armies met in the plain before
Sardis. It is a vast flat, bare of trees, watered
by the Hyllus and a number of other streams,
which all flow into one larger than the rest,
called the Hcrmus. This river rises in the sa-
cred mountain of the Dindymenian Mother,
and falls into the sea near the town of Phocaea.

When Cyrus beheld the Lydians arranging
themselves in order of battle on this plain,
fearful of the strength of their cavalry, he
adopted a device which Harpagus, one of the
Medes, suggested to him. He collected together
all the camels that had come in the train of his
army to carry the provisions and the baggage,
and taking off their loads, he mounted riders
upon them accoutred as horsemen. These he
commanded to advance in front of his other
troops against the Lydian horse; behind them
were to follow the foot soldiers, and last of all
the cavalry. When his arrangements were com-
plete, he gave his troops orders to slay all the
other Lydians who came in their way without
mercy, but to spare Croesus and not kill him,
even if he should be seized and offer resistance.
The reason why Cyrus opposed his camels to
the enemy's horse was because the horse has a
natural dread of the camel, and cannot abide
either the sight or the smell of that animal. By
this stratagem he hoped to make Croesus's
horse useless to him, the horse being what he
chiefly depended on for victory. The two ar-
mies then joined battle, and immediately the
Lydian war-horses, seeing and smelling the
camels, turned round and galloped off; and so
it came to pass that all Croesus's hopes with-
ered away. The Lydians, however, behaved
manfully. As soon as they understood what
was happening, they leaped off their horses,
and engaged with the Persians on foot. The

7-8 4 ]

THE HISTORY

combat was long; but at last, after a great
slaughter on both sides, the Lydians turned
and fled. They were driven within their walls,
and the Persians laid siege to Sardis.

81. Thus the siege began. Meanwhile Croe-
sus, thinking that the place would hold out no
inconsiderable time, sent off fresh heralds to
his allies from the beleaguered town. His for-
mer messengers had been charged to bid them
assemble at Sardis in the course of the fifth
month; they whom he now sent were to say
that he was already besieged, and to beseech
them to come to his aid with all possible speed.
Among his other allies Croesus did not omit to
send to Lacedaemon.

82. It chanced, however, that the Spartans
were themselves just at this time engaged in a
quarrel with the Argives about a place called
Thyrea, which was within the limits of Argo-
lis, but had been seized on by the Lacedae-
monians. Indeed, the whole country westward,
as far as Cape Malca, belonged once to the
Argives, and not only that entire tract upon
the mainland, but also Cythera, and the other
islands. The Argives collected troops to resist
the seizure of Thyrea, but before any battle
was fought, the two parties came to terms, and
it was agreed that three hundred Spartans and
three hundred Argives should meet and fight
for the place, which should belong to the na-
tion with whom the victory rested. It was stip-
ulated also that the other troops on each side
should return home to their respective coun-
tries, and not remain to witness the combat, as
there was danger, if the armies stayed, that
cither the one or the other, on seeing their
countrymen undergoing defeat, might hasten
to their assistance. These terms being agreed
on, the two armies marched off, leaving three
hundred picked men on each side to fight for
the territory. The battle began, and so equal
were the combatants, that at the close of the
day, when night put a stop to the fight, of the
whole six hundred only three men remained
alive, two Argives, Alcanor and Chromius,
and a single Spartan, Othryadas. The two Ar-
gives, regarding themselves as the victors, hur-
ried to Argos. Othryadas, the Spartan, re-
mained upon the field, and, stripping the bod-
ies of the Argives who had fallen, carried their
armour to the Spartan camp. Next day the two
armies returned to learn the result. At first
they disputed, both parties claiming the vic-
tory, the one, because they had the greater
number of survivors; the other, because their
man remained on the field, and stripped the

bodies of the slain, whereas the two men of
the other side ran away; but at last they fell
from words to blows, and a battle was fought,
in which both parties suffered great loss, but
at the end the Lacedaemonians gained the vic-
tory. Upon this the Argives, who up to that
time had worn their hair long, cut it off
close, and made a law, to which they attached
a curse, binding themselves never more to
let their hair grow, and never to allow their
women to wear gold, until they should recover
Thyrea. At the same time the Lacedemonians
made a law the very reverse of this, namely, to
wear their hair long, though they had always
before cut it close. Othryadas himself, it is
said, the sole survivor of the three hundred,
prevented by a sense of shame from returning
to Sparta after all his comrades had fallen, laid
violent hands upon himself in Thyrea.

83. Although the Spartans were engaged
with these matters when the herald arrived
from Sardis to entreat them to come to the as-
sistance of the besieged king, yet, notwith-
standing, they instantly set to work to afford
him help. They had completed their prepara-
tions, and the ships were just ready to start,
when a second message informed them that
the place had already fallen, and that Croesus
was a prisoner. Deeply grieved at his misfor-
tune, the Spartans ceased their efforts.

84. The following is the way in which Sar-
dis was taken. On the fourteenth day of the
siege Cyrus bade some horsemen ride about his
lines, and make proclamation to the whole
army that he would give a reward to the man
who should first mount the wall. After this he
made an assault, but without success. His
troops retired, but a certain Mardian, Hyroea-
des by name, resolved to approach the citadel
and attempt it at a place where no guards were
ever set. On this side the rock was so precipi-
tous, and the citadel (as it seemed) so impreg-
nable, that no fear was entertained of its being
carried in this place. Here was the only portion
of the circuit round which their old king Meles
did not carry the lion which his leman bore to
him. For when the Tclmessians had declared
that if the lion were taken round the defences,
Sardis would be impregnable, and Meles, in
consequence, carried it round the rest of the
fortress where the citadel seemed open to at-
tack, he scorned to take it round this side,
which he looked on as a sheer precipice, and
therefore absolutely secure. It is on that side of
the city which faces Mount Tmolus. Hyroea-
des, however, having the day before observed

HERODOTUS

[BOOK

a Lydian soldier descend the rock after a hel-
met that had rolled down from the top, and
having seen him pick it up and carry it back,
thought over what he had witnessed, and
formed his plan. He climbed the rock himself,
and other Persians followed in his track, until a
large number had mounted to the top. Thus was
Sardis taken, and given up entirely to pillage.

85. With respect to Croesus himself, this is
what befell him at the taking of the town. He
had a son, of whom I made mention above, a
worthy youth, whose only defect was that he
was deaf and dumb. In the days of his prosper-
ity Croesus had done the utmost that he could
for him, and among other plans which he had
devised, had sent to Delphi to consult the ora-
cle on his behalf. The answer which he had re-
ceived from the Pythoness ran thus:

Lydian, wide-ruling monarch, thou wondrous

simple Croesus,
Wish not ever to hear in thy palace the voice thou

hast prayed for
Uttcnng intelligent sounds. Far better thy son

should be silent I
Ah! woe worth the day when thine ear shall first

list to his accents.

When the town was taken, one of the Per-
sians was just going to kill Croesus, not know-
ing who he was. Croesus saw the man coming,
but under the pressure of his affliction, did not
care to avoid the blow, not minding whether
or no he died beneath the stroke. Then this
son of his, who was voiceless, beholding the
Persian as he rushed towards Croesus, in the
agony of his fear and grief burst into speech,
and said, "Man, do not kill Croesus." This was
the first time that he had ever spoken a word,
but afterwards he retained the power of speech
for the remainder of his life.

86. Thus was Sardis taken by the Persians,
and Croesus himself fell into their hands, after
having reigned fourteen years, and been be-
sieged in his capital fourteen days; thus too did
Croesus fulfill the oracle, which said that he
should destroy a mighty empire by destroy-
ing his own. Then the Persians who had made
Croesus prisoner brought him before Cyrus.
Now a vast pile had been raised by his orders,
and Croesus, laden with fetters, was placed
upon it, and with him twice seven of the sons
of the Lydians. I know not whether Cyrus was
minded to make an offering of the first-fruits
to some god or other, or whether he had vowed
a vow and was performing it, or whether, as
may well be, he had heard that Croesus was a
holy man, and so wished to see if any of the

heavenly powers would appear to save him
from being burnt alive. However it might be,
Cyrus was thus engaged, and Croesus was al-
ready on the pile, when it entered his mind
in the depth of his woe that there was a divine
warning in the words which had come to him
from the lips of Solon, "No one while he lives
is happy." When this thought smote him he
fetched a long breath, and breaking his deep
silence, groaned out aloud, thrice uttering the
name of Solon. Cyrus caught the sounds, and
bade the interpreters inquire of Croesus who it
was he called on. They drew near and asked
him, but he held his peace, and for a long time
made no answer to their questionings, until at
length, forced to say something, he exclaimed,
"One I would give much to see converse with
every monarch." Not knowing what he meant
by this reply, the interpreters begged him to
explain himself; and as they pressed for an an-
swer, and grew to be troublesome, he told
them how, a long time before, Solon, an Athen-
ian, had come and seen all his splendour, and
made light of it; and how whatever he had
said to him had fallen out exactly as he fore-
showed, although it was nothing that especial-
ly concerned him, but applied to all mankind
alike, and most to those who seemed to them-
selves happy. Meanwhile, as he thus spoke, the
pile was lighted, and the outer portion began
to blaze. Then Cyrus, hearing from the inter-
preters what Croesus had said, relented, be-
thinking himself that he too was a man, and
that it was a fellow-man, and one who had
once been as blessed by fortune as himself, that
he was burning alive; afraid, moreover, of ret-
ribution, and full of the thought that whatever
is human is insecure. So he bade them quench
the blazing fire as quickly as they could, and
take down Croesus and the other Lydians,
which they tried to do, but the flames were not
to be mastered.

87. Then, the Lydians say that Croesus, per-
ceiving by the efforts made to quench the fire
that Cyrus had relented, and seeing also that
all was in vain, and that the men could not get
the fire under, called with a loud voice upon
the god Apollo, and prayed him, if he ever re-
ceived at his hands any acceptable gift, to come
to his aid, and deliver him from his present
danger. As thus with tears he besought the
god, suddenly, though up to that time the sky
had been clear and the day without a breath of
wind, dark clouds gathered, and the storm
burst over their heads with rain of such vio-
lence, that the flames were speedily extm-

85-91]

THE HISTORY

guished. Cyrus, convinced by this that Croesus
was a good man and a favourite of heaven,
asked him after he was taken off the pile,
"Who it was that had persuaded him to lead
an army into his country, and so become his
foe rather than continue his friend?" to which
Croesus made answer as follows: "What I did,
oh! king, was to thy advantage and to my own
loss. If there be blame, it rests with the god of
the Greeks, who encouraged me to begin the
war. No one is so foolish as to prefer war to
peace, in which, instead of sons burying their
fathers, fathers bury their sons. But the gods
willed it so."

88. Thus did Croesus speak. Cyrus then ord-
ered his fetters to be taken off, and made him
sit down near himself, and paid him much re-
spect, looking upon him, as did also the cour-
tiers, with a sort of wonder. Croesus, wrapped
in thought, uttered no word. After a while,
happening to turn and perceive the Persian
soldiers engaged in plundering the town, he
said to Cyrus, "May I now tell thee, oh! king,
what I have in my mind, or is silence best?"
Cyrus bade him speak his mind boldly. Then
he put this question: "What is it, oh! Cyrus,
which those men yonder are doing so busily?"
"Plundering thy city," Cyrus answered, "and
carrying off thy riches." "Not my city," re-
joined the other, "nor my riches. They are not
mine any more. It is thy wealth which they are
pillaging."

89. Cyrus, struck by what Croesus had said,
bade all the court to withdraw, and then asked
Croesus what he thought it best for him to do
as regarded the plundering. Croesus answered,
"Now that the gods have made me thy slave,
oh! Cyrus, it seems to me that it is my part, if
I see anything to thy advantage, to show it to
thee. Thy subjects, the Persians, are a poor peo-
ple with a proud spirit. If then thou lettest
them pillage and possess themselves of great
wealth, I will tell thee what thou hast to expect
at their hands. The man who gets the most,
look to having him rebel against thee. Now
then, if my words please thee, do thus, oh!
king: Let some of thy bodyguards be placed
as sentinels at each of the city gates, and let
them take their booty from the soldiers as they
leave the town, and tell them that they do so
because the tenths are due to Jupiter. So wilt
thou escape the hatred they would feel if the
plunder were taken away from them by force;
and they, seeing that what is proposed is just,
will do it willingly."

90. Cyrus was beyond measure pleased with

this advice, so excellent did it seem to him. He
praised Croesus highly, and gave orders to his
bodyguard to do as he had suggested. Then,
turning to Croesus, he said, "Oh! Croesus, I see
that thou are resolved both in speech and act
to show thyself a virtuous prince: ask me,
therefore, whatever thou wilt as a gift at this
moment." Croesus replied, "Oh! my lord, if
thou wilt suffer me to send these fetters to the
god of the Greeks, whom I once honoured
above all other gods, and ask him if it is his
wont to deceive his benefactors that will be
the highest favour thou canst confer on me."
Cyrus upon this inquired what charge he had
to make against the god. Then Croesus gave
him a full account of all his projects, and ot the
answers of the oracle, and of the offerings
which he had sent, on which he dwelt espe-
cially, and told him how it was the encourage-
ment given him by the oracle which had led
him to make war upon Persia. All this he re-
lated, and at the end again besought permis-
sion to reproach the god with his behaviour.
Cyrus answered with a laugh, "This I readily
grant thee, and whatever else thou shah at any
time ask at my hands." Croesus, finding his re-
quest allowed, sent certain Lydians to Delphi,
enjoining them to lay his fetters upon the
threshold of the temple, and ask the god, "If he
were not ashamed of having encouraged him,
as the destined destroyer of the empire of Cy-
rus, to begin a war with Persia, of which such
were the first-fruits?" As they said this they
were to point to the fetters; and further they
were to inquire, "If it was the wont of the
Greek gods to be ungrateful?"

91. The Lydians went to Delphi and de-
livered their message, on which the Pythoness
is said to have replied "It is not possible even
for a god to escape the decree of destiny. Croe-
sus has been punished for the sin of his fifth
ancestor, who, when he was one of the body-
guard of the Heraclides, joined in a woman's
fraud, and, slaying his master, wrongfully
seized the throne. Apollo was anxious that the
fall of Sardis should not happen in the lifetime
of Croesus, but be delayed to his son's days; he
could not, however, persuade the Fates. All
that they were willing to allow he took and
gave to Croesus. Let Croesus know that Apollo
delayed the taking of Sardis three full years,
and that he is thus a prisoner three years later
than was his destiny. Moreover it was Apollo
who saved him from the burning pile. Nor has
Croesus any right to complain with respect to
the oracular answer which he received. For

HERODOTUS

[BOOK

when the god told him that, if he attacked the
Persians, he would destroy a mighty empire, he
ought, if he had been wise, to have sent again
and inquired which empire was meant, that
of Cyrus or his own; but if he neither under-
stood what was said, nor took the trouble to
seek for enlightenment, he has only himself to
blame for the result. Besides, he had misunder-
stood the last answer which had been given
him about the mule. Cyrus was that mule. For
the parents of Cyrus were of different races,
and of different conditions his mother a
Median princess, daughter of King Astyages,
and his father a Persian and a subject, who,
though so far beneath her in all respects, had
married his royal mistress."

Such was the answer of the Pythoness. The
Lydians returned to Sardis and communicated
it to Croesus, who confessed, on hearing it,
that the fault was his, not the god's. Such was
the way in which Ionia was first conquered,
and so was the empire of Crcesus brought to
a close.

92. Besides the offerings which have been
already mentioned, there are many others in
various parts of Greece presented by Crcesus;
as at Thebes in Bceotia, where there is a golden
tripod, dedicated by him to Ismeman Apollo;
at Ephesus, where the golden heifers, and most
of the columns are his gift; and at Delphi, in
the temple of Pronaia, where there is a huge
shield in gold, which he gave. All these offer-
ings were still in existence in my day; many
others have perished: among them those which
he dedicated at Branchida; in Milesia, equal
in weight, as I am informed, and in all respects
like to those at Delphi. The Delphian presents,
and those sent to Amphiaraiis, came from his
own private property, being the first-iruits of
the fortune which he inherited from his father;
his other offerings came from the riches of an
enemy, who, before he mounted the throne,
headed a party against him, with the view of
obtaining the crown of Lydia for Pantaleon.
This Pantaleon was a son of Alyattes, but by
a different mother from Croesus; for the
mother of Croesus was a Carian woman, but
the mother of Pantaleon an Ionian. When, by
the appointment of his father, Croesus ob-
tained the kingly dignity, he seized the man
who had plotted against him, and broke him
upon the wheel. His property, which he had
previously devoted to the service of the gods,
Crcesus applied in the way mentioned above.
This is all I shall say about his offerings.

93. Lydia, unlike most other countries,

scarcely offers any wonders for the historian to
describe, except the gold-dust which is washed
down from the range of Tmolus. It has, how-
ever, one structure of enormous size, only in-
ferior to the monuments of Egypt and Baby-
lon. This is the tomb of Alyattes, the father of
Crcesus, the base of which is formed of im-
mense blocks of stone, the rest being a vast
mound of earth. It was raised by the joint la-
bour of the tradesmen, handicraftsmen, and
courtesans of Sardis, and had at the top five
stone pillars, which remained to my day, with
inscriptions cut on them, showing how much
of the work was done by each class of work-
people. It appeared on measurement that the
portion of the courtesans was the largest. The
daughters of the common people in Lydia, one
and all, pursue this traffic, wishing to collect
money for their portions. They continue the
practice till they marry; and are wont to con-
tract themselves in marriage. The tomb is six
stades and two plethra in circumference; its
breadth is thirteen plethra. Close to the tomb
is a large lake, which the Lydians say is never
dry. They call it the Lake Gygaca.

94. The Lydians have very nearly the same
customs as the Greeks, with the exception that
these last do not bring up their girls in the same
way. So far as we have any knowledge, they
were the first nation to introduce the use of
gold and silver coin, and the first who sold
goods by retail. They claim also the invention
of all the games which are common to them
with the Greeks. These they declare that they
invented about the time when they colonised
Tyrrhema, an event of which they give the
following account. In the days of Atys, the son
of Manes, there was great scarcity through the
whole land of Lydia. For some time the Lyd-
ians bore the affliction patiently, but finding
that it did not pass away, they set to work to
devise remedies for the evil. Various expedi-
ents were discovered by various persons; dice,
and huckle-bones, and ball, and all such games
were invented, except tables, the invention of
which they do not claim as theirs. The plan
adopted against the famine was to engage in
games one day so entirely as not to feel any
craving for food, and the next day to eat and
abstain from games. In this way they passed
eighteen years. Still the affliction continued
and even became more grievous. So the king
determined to divide the nation in half, and to
make the two portions draw lots, the one to
stay, the other to leave the land. He would
continue to reign over those whose lot it should

92-98]

THE HISTORY

be to remain behind; the emigrants should
have his son Tyrrhenus for their leader. The
lot was cast, and they who had to emigrate
went down to Smyrna, and built themselves
ships, in which, after they had put on board all
needful stores, they sailed away in search of
new homes and better sustenance. After sailing
past many countries they came to Umbna,
where they built cities for themselves, and fixed
their residence. Their former name of Lydians
they laid aside, and called themselves after the
name of the king's son, who led the colony,
Tyrrhenians.

95. Thus far I have been engaged in show-
ing how the Lydians were brought under the
Persian yoke. The course of my history now
compels me to inquire who this Cyrus was by
whom the Lydian empire was destroyed, and
by what means the Persians had become the
lords paramount of Asia. And herein I shall
follow those Persian authorities whose object
it appears to be not to magnify the exploits of
Cyrus, but to relate the simple truth. I know
besides three ways m which the story of Cyrus
is told, all differing from my own narrative.

The Assyrians had held the Empire of Up-
per Asia for the space of five hundred and
twenty years, when the Medes set the example
of revolt from their authority. They took arms
for the recovery of their freedom, and fought
a battle with the Assyrians, in which they be-
haved with such gallantry as to shake off the
yoke of servitude, and to become a free people.
Upon their success the other nations also re-
volted and regained their independence.

96. Thus the nations over that whole extent
of country obtained the blessing of self-gov-
ernment, but they fell again under the sway of
kings, in the manner which I will now relate.
There was a certain Mede named Deioces, son
of Phraortes, a man of much wisdom, who had
conceived the desire of obtaining to himself the
sovereign power. In furtherance of his ambi-
tion, therefore, he formed and carried into ex-
ecution the following scheme. As the Medes at
that time dwelt in scattered villages without
any central authority, and lawlessness in con-
sequence prevailed throughout the land, Deio-
ces, who was already a man of mark in his
own village, applied himself with greater zeal
and earnestness than ever before to the practice
of justice among his fellows. It was his con-
viction that justice and injustice are engaged in
perpetual war with one another. He therefore
began his course of conduct, and presently the
men of his village, observing his integrity,

chose him to be the arbiter of all their disputes.
Bent on obtaining the sovereign power, he
showed himself an honest and an upright
judge, and by these means gained such credit
with his fellow-citizens as to attract the atten-
tion of those who lived in the surrounding vil-
lages. They had long been suffering from un-
just and oppressive judgments; so that, when
they heard of the singular uprightness of Deio-
ces, and of the equity of his decisions, they joy-
fully had recourse to him in the various quar-
rels and suits that arose, until at last they came
to put confidence in no one else.

97. The number of complaints brought be-
fore him continually increasing, as people
learnt more and more the fairness of his judg-
ments, Deioces, feeling himself now all impor-
tant, announced that he did not intend any
longer to hear causes, and appeared no more
in the seat in which he had been accustomed
to sit and administer justice. "It did not square
with his interests," he said, "to spend the
whole day in regulating other men's affairs to
the neglect of his own." Hereupon robbery and
lawlessness broke out afresh, and prevailed
through the country even more than hereto-
fore; wherefore the Medes assembled from all
quarters, and held a consultation on the state
of affairs. The speakers, as I think, were chiefly
friends of Deioces. "We cannot possibly," they
said, "go on living in this country if things
continue as they now are; let us therefore set a
king over us, that so the land may be well gov-
erned, and we ourselves may be able to attend
to our own affairs, and not be forced to quit
our country on account of anarchy." The as-
sembly was persuaded by these arguments, and
resolved to appoint a king.

98. It followed to determine who should be
chosen to the office. When this debate began
the claims of Deioces and his praises were at
once in every mouth; so that presently all
agreed that he should be king. Upon this he
required a palace to be built for him suitable
to his rank, and a guard to be given him for
his person. The Medes complied, and built him
a strong and large palace, on a spot which he
himself pointed out, and likewise gave him
liberty to choose himself a bodyguard from the
whole nation. Thus settled upon the throne, he
further required them to build a single great
city, and, disregarding the petty towns in
which they had formerly dwelt, make the new
capital the object of their chief attention. The
Medes were again obedient, and built the city
now called Agbatana, the walls of which are of

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

great size and strength, rising in circles one
within the other. The plan of the place is that
each of the walls should out-top the one be-
yond it by the battlements. The nature of the
ground, which is a gentle hill, favours this ar-
rangement in some degree, but it was mainly
effected by art. The number of the circles is
seven, the royal palace and the treasuries stand-
ing within the last. The circuit of the outer
wall is very nearly the same with that of Ath-
ens. Of this wall the battlements are white, of
the next black, of the third scarlet, of the fourth
blue, of the fifth orange; all these are coloured
with paint. The two last have their battlements
coated respectively with silver and gold.

99. All these fortifications Deioces caused to
be raised for himself and his own palace. The
people were required to build their dwellings
outside the circuit of the walls. When the town
was finished, he proceeded to arrange the cere-
monial. He allowed no one to have direct ac-
cess to the person of the king, but made all
communication pass through the hands of mes-
sengers, and forbade the king to be seen by his
subjects. He also made it an offence for any one
whatsoever to laugh or spit in the royal pres-
ence. This ceremonial, of which he was the
first inventor, Deioces established tor his own
security, fearing that his compeers, who were
brought up together with him, and were of as
good family as he, and no whit inferior to him
in manly qualities, if they saw him frequently
would be pained at the sight, and would there-
fore be likely to conspire against him; whereas
if they did not see him, they would think him
quite a different sort of being from themselves.

joo. After completing these arrangements,
and firmly settling himself upon the throne,
Deioces continued to administer justice with
the same strictness as before. Causes were stat-
ed in writing, and sent in to the king, who
passed his judgment upon the contents, and
transmitted his decisions to the parties con-
cerned: besides which he had spies and eaves-
droppers in all parts of his dominions, and if he
heard ot any act of oppression, he sent for the
guilty party, and awarded him the punishment
meet for his offence.

101. Thus Deioces collected the Medes into
a nation, and ruled over them alone. Now these
are the tribes of which they consist: the Busae,
the Paretacem, the Struchates, the Arizanti, the
Budii, and the Magi.

102. Having reigned three-and-fifty years,
Deioces was at his death succeeded by his son
Phraortes. This prince, not satisfied with a do-

minion which did not extend beyond the single
nation of the Medes, began by attacking the
Persians; and marching an army into their
country, brought them under the Median yoke
before any other people. After this success, be-
ing now at the head of two nations, both of
them powerful, he proceeded to conquer Asia,
overrunning province after province. At last
he engaged in war with the Assyrians those
Assyrians, I mean, to whom Nineveh belonged,
who were formerly the lords of Asia. At pres-
ent they stood alone by the revolt and desertion
of their allies, yet still their internal condition
was as flourishing as ever. Phraortes attacked
them, but perished in the expedition with the
greater part of his army, after having reigned
over the Medes two-and-twenty years.

103. On the death of Phraortes his son Cy-
axares ascended the throne. Of him it is report-
ed that he was still more war-like than any of
his ancestors, and that he was the first who
gave organisation to an Asiatic army, dividing
the troops into companies, and forming dis-
tinct bodies of the spearmen, the archers, and
the cavalry, who before his time had been min-
gled in one mass, and confused together. He it
was who fought against the Lydians on the oc-
casion when the day was changed suddenly
into night, and who brought under his domin-
ion the whole of Asia beyond the Halys. This
prince, collecting together all the nations
which owned his sway, marched against Nine-
veh, resolved to avenge his father, and cherish-
ing a hope that he might succeed in taking the
town. A battle was fought, in which the Assyr-
ians suffered a defeat, and Cyaxares had al-
ready begun the siege of the place, when a nu-
merous horde of Scyths, under their king Mad-
yes, son of Prtotohyes, burst into Asia in pursuit
of the Cimmerians whom they had driven out
of Europe, and entered the Median territory.

104. The distance from the Palus Maeotis to
the river Phasis and the Colchians is thirty
days' journey for a lightly-equipped traveller.
From Colchis to cross into Media does not take
long there is only a single intervening nation,
the Saspinans, passing whom you find your-
self in Media. This however was not the road
followed by the Scythians, who turned out of
the straight course, and took the upper route,
which is much longer, keeping the Caucasus
upon their right. The Scythians, having thus
invaded Media, were opposed by the Medes,
who gave them battle, but, being defeated, lost
their empire. The Scythians became masters
of Asia.

99-109]

THE HISTORY

105. After this they marched forward with
the design of invading Egypt. When they had
reached Palestine, however, Psammetichus the
Egyptian king met them with gifts and pray-
ers, and prevailed on them to advance no fur-
ther. On their return, passing through Asca-
lon, a city of Syria, the greater part of them
went their way without doing any damage;
but some few who lagged behind pillaged the
temple of Celestial Venus. I have inquired and
find that the temple at Ascalon is the most an-
cient of all the temples to this goddess; for the
one in Cyprus, as the Cyprians themselves ad-
mit, was built in imitation of it; and that in
Cythera was erected by the Phoenicians, who
belong to this part of Syria. The Scythians who
plundered the temple were punished by the
goddess with the female sickness, which still
attaches to their posterity. They themselves
confess that they are afflicted with the disease
for this reason, and travellers who visit Scythia
can see what sort of a disease it is. Those who
suffer from it are called Enarees.

106. The dominion of the Scythians over
Asia lasted eight-and-twenty years, during
which time their insolence and oppression
spread ruin on every side. For besides the regu-
lar tribute, they exacted from the several na-
tions additional imposts, which they fixed at
pleasure; and further, they scoured the country
and plundered every one of whatever they
could. At length Cyaxares and the Medes in-
vited the greater part of them to a banquet, and
made them drunk with wine, after which they
were all massacred. The Medes then recovered
their empire, and had the same extent of do-
minion as before. They took Nineveh I will
relate how in another history and conquered
all Assyria except the district of Babylonia. Aft-
er this Cyaxares died, having reigned over the
Medes, if we include the time of the Scythian
rule, forty years.

107. Astyages, the son of Cyaxares, succeed-
ed to the throne. He had a daughter who was
named Mandane concerning whom he had a
wonderful dream. He dreamt that from her
such a stream of water flowed forth as not only
to fill his capital, but to flood the whole of
Asia. This vision he laid before such of the
Magi as had the gift of interpreting dreams,
who expounded its meaning to him in full,
whereat he was greatly terrified. On this ac-
count, when his daughter, was now of ripe age,
he would not give her in marriage to any of
the Medes who were of suitable rank, lest the
dream should be accomplished; but he married

her to a Persian of good family indeed, but of
a quiet temper, whom he looked on as much
inferior to a Mede of even middle condition.

1 08. Thus Cambyses (for so was the Persian
called) wedded Mandane*, and took her to his
home, after which, in the very first year, Asty-
ages saw another vision. He fancied that a
vine grew from the womb of his daughter, and
overshadowed the whole of Asia. After this
dream, which he submitted also to the inter-
preters, he sent to Persia and fetched away
Mandane, who was now with child, and was
not far from her time. On her arrival he set a
watch over her, intending to destroy the child
to which she should give birth; for the Magian
interpreters had expounded the vision to fore-
show that the offspring of his daughter would
reign over Asia in his stead. To guard against
this, Astyages, as soon as Cyrus was born, sent
for Harpagus, a man of his own house and the
most faithful of the Medes, to whom he was
wont to entrust all his affairs, and addressed
him thus "Harpagus, I beseech thce neglect
not the business with which I am about to
charge thee; neither betray thou the interests of
thy lord for others' sake, lest thou bring de-
struction on thine own head at some future
time. Take the child born of Mandane my
daughter; carry him with thee to thy home
and slay him there. Then bury him as thou
wilt." "Oh! king/' replied the other, "never in
time past did Harpagus disoblige thee in any-
thing, and be sure that through all future time
he will be careful in nothing to offend. If there-
fore it be thy will that this thing be done, it is
for me to serve thee with all diligence."

109. When Harpagus had thus answered,
the child was given into his hands, clothed in
the garb of death, and he hastened weeping to
his home. There on his arrival he found his
wife, to whom he told all that Astyages had
said. "What then," said she, "is it now in thy
heart to do?" "Not what Astyages requires,"
he answered; "no, he may be madder and more
frantic still than he is now, but I will not be
the man to work his will, or lend a helping
hand to such a murder as this. Many things
forbid my slaying him. In the first place the
boy is my own kith and km; and next Astyages
is old, and has no son. If then when he dies the
crown should go to his daughter that daugh-
ter whose child he now wishes to slay by my
hand what remains for me but danger of the
fearfullest kind? For my own safety, indeed,
the child must die; but some one belonging to
Astyages must take his life, not I or mine."

HERODOTUS

[BOOK i

1 10. So saying he sent off a messenger to
fetch a certain Mitradates, one of the herdsmen
of Astyages, whose pasturages he knew to be
the fittest for his purpose, lying as they did
among mountains infested with wild beasts.
This man was married to one of the king's fe-
male slaves, whose Median name was Spaco,
which is in Greek Cyno, since in the Median
tongue the word "Spaca" means a bitch. The
mountains, on the skirts of which his cattle
grazed, lie to the north of Agbatana, towards
the Euxine. That part of Media which borders
on the Saspinans is an elevated tract, very
mountainous, and covered with torests, while
the rest of the Median territory is entirely level
ground. On the arrival of the herdsman, who
came at the hasty summons, Harpagus said to
him "Astyages requires thce to take this child
and lay him in the wildest part of the hills,
where he will be sure to die speedily. And he
bade me tell thee, that if thou dost not kill the
boy, but anyhow allowest him to escape, he
will put thee to the most painful of deaths. I
myself am appointed to see the child exposed."

in. The herdsman on hearing this took the
child in his arms, and went back the way he
had come till he reached the folds. There, prov-
identially, his wife, who had been expecting
daily to be put to bed, had just, during the ab-
sence of her husband, been delivered of a child.
Both the herdsman and his wife were uneasy
on each other's account, the former fearful be-
cause his wife was so near her time, the woman
alarmed because it was a new thing for her
husband to be sent for by Harpagus. When
therefore he came into the house upon his re-
turn, his wife, seeing him arrive so unexpected-
ly, was the first to speak, and begged to know
why Harpagus had sent for him in such a hur-
ry. "Wife," said he, "when I got to the town I
saw and heard such things as I would to heaven
I had never seen such things as I would to
heaven had never happened to our masters.
Every one was weeping in Harpagus's house.
It quite frightened me, but I went in. The mo-
ment I stepped inside, what should I see but a
baby lying on the floor, panting and whimper-
ing, and all covered with gold, and wrapped in
clothes of such beautiful colours. Harpagus
saw me, and directly ordered me to take the
child in my arms and carry him off, and what
was I to do with him, think you? Why, to lay
him in the mountains, where the wild beasts
are most plentiful. And he told me it was the
king himself that ordered it to be done, and he
threatened me with such dreadful things if I

failed. So I took the child up in my arms, and
carried him along. I thought it might be the
son of one of the household slaves. I did won-
der certainly to see the gold and the beautiful
baby-clothes, and I could not think why there
was such a weeping in Harpagus's house.
Well, very soon, as I came along, I got at the
truth. They sent a servant with me to show me
the way out of the town, and to leave the baby
in my hands; and he told me that the child's
mother is the king's daughter Mandane, and
his father Cambyses, the son of Cyrus; and that
the king orders him to be killed; and look, here
the child is."

112. With this the herdsman uncovered the
infant, and showed him to his wife, who, when
she saw him, and observed how fine a child
and how beautiful he was, burst into tears, and
clinging to the knees of her husband, besought
him on no account to expose the babe; to
which he answered, that it was not possible for
him to do otherwise, as Harpagus would be
sure to send persons to see and report to him,
and he was to suffer a most cruel death if he
disobeyed. Failing thus in her first attempt to
persuade her husband, the woman spoke a sec-
ond time, saying, "If then there is no persuad-
ing thee, and a child must needs be seen ex-
posed upon the mountains, at least do thus.
The child of which I have just been delivered
is stillborn; take it and lay it on the hills, and
let us bring up as our own the child of the
daughter of Astyages. So shalt thou not be
charged with unfaithfulness to thy lord, nor
shall we have managed badly for ourselves.
Our dead babe will have a royal funeral, and
this living child will not be deprived of life."

113. It seemed to the herdsman that this ad-
vice was the best under the circumstances. He
therefore followed it without loss of time. The
child which he had intended to put to death he
gave over to his wife, and his own dead child
he put in the cradle wherein he had carried
the other, clothing it first in all the other's cost-
ly attire, and taking it in his arms he laid it in
the wildest place of all the mountain-range.
When the child had been three days exposed,
leaving one of his helpers to watch the body,
he started off for the city, and going straight to
Harpagus's house, declared himself ready to
show the corpse of the boy. Harpagus sent cer-
tain of his bodyguard, on whom he had the
firmest reliance, to view the body for him, and,
satisfied with their seeing it, gave orders for
the funeral. Thus was the herdsman's child
buried, and the other child, who was after-

1 10-117]

wards known by the name of Cyrus, was taken
by the herdsman's wife, and brought up under
a different name.

1 14. When the boy was in his tenth year, an
accident which I will now relate, caused it to
be discovered who he was. He was at play one
day in the village where the folds of the cattle
were, along with the boys of his own age, in
the street. The other boys who were playing
with him chose the cowherd's son, as he was
called, to be their king. He then proceeded to
order them about some he set to build him
houses, others he made his guards, one of them
was to be the king's eye, another had the office
of carrying his messages; all had some task or
other. Among the boys there was one, the son
of Artembares, a Mede of distinction, who re-
fused to do what Cyrus had set him. Cyrus
told the other boys to take him into custody,
and when his orders were obeyed, he chastised
him most severely with the whip. The son of
Artembares, as soon as he was let go, full of
rage at treatment so little befitting his rank,
hastened to the city and complained bitterly to
his father of what had been done to him by
Cyrus. He did not, of course, say "Cyrus," by
which name the boy was not yet known, but
called him the son of the king's cowherd. Ar-
tembares, in the heat of his passion, went to
Astyages, accompanied by his son, and made
complaint of the gross injury which had been
done him. Pointing to the boy's shoulders, he
exclaimed, "Thus, oh! king, has thy slave, the
son of a cowherd, heaped insult upon us."

115. At this sight and these words Astyages,
wishing to avenge the son of Artembares for
his father's sake, sent for the cowherd and his
boy. When they came together into his pres-
ence, fixing his eyes on Cyrus, Astyages said,
"Hast thou then, the son of so mean a fellow
as that, dared to behave thus rudely to the son
of yonder noble, one of the first in my court?"
"My lord," replied the boy, "I only treated him
as he deserved. I was chosen king in play by
the boys of our village, because they thought
me the best for it. He himself was one of the
boys who chose me. All the others did accord-
ing to my orders; but he refused, and made
light of them, until at last he got his due re-
ward. If for this I deserve to suffer punishment,
here I am ready to submit to it."

116. While the boy was yet speaking Asty-
ages was struck with a suspicion who he was.
He thought he saw something in the character
of his face like his own, and there was a noble-
ness about the answer he had made; besides

THE HISTORY

which his age seemed to tally with the time
when his grandchild was exposed. Astonished
at all this, Astyages could not speak for a while.
At last, recovering himself with difficulty, and
wishing to be quit of Artembares, that he
might examine the herdsman alone, he said to
the former, "I promise thee, Artembares, so to
settle this business that neither thou nor thy
son shall have any cause to complain." Artem-
bares retired from his presence, and the at-
tendants, at the bidding of the king, led Cyrus
into an inner apartment. Astyages then being
left alone with the herdsman, inquired of him
where he had got the boy, and who had given
him to him; to which he made answer that the
lad was his own child, begotten by himself,
and that the mother who bore him was still
alive with him in his house. Astyages re-
marked that he was very ill-advised to bring
himself into such great trouble, and at the
same time signed to his bodyguard to lay hold
of him. Then the herdsman, as they were drag-
ging him to the rack, began at the beginning,
and told the whole story exactly as it happened,
without concealing anything, ending with en-
treaties and prayers to the king to grant him
forgiveness.

117. Astyages, having got the truth of the
matter from the herdsman, was very little fur-
ther concerned about him, but with Harpagus
he was exceedingly enraged. The guards were
bidden to summon him into the presence, and
on his appearance Astyages asked him, "By
what death was it, Harpagus, that thou slewest
the child of my daughter whom I gave into thy
hands?" Harpagus, seeing the cowherd in the
room, did not betake himself to lies, lest he
should be confuted and proved false, but re-
plied as follows: "Sire, when thou gavest the
child into my hands I instantly considered with
myself how I could contrive to execute thy
wishes, and yet, while guiltless of any unfaith-
fulness towards thee, avoid imbruing my
hands in blood which was in truth thy daugh-
ter's and thine own. And this was how I con-
trived it. I sent for this cowherd, and gave the
child over to him, telling him that by the king's
orders it was to be put to death. And in this I
told no lie, for thou hadst so commanded.
Moreover, when I gave him the child, I en-
joined him to lay it somewhere in the wilds of
the mountains, and to stay near and watch till
it was dead; and I threatened him with all
manner of punishment if he failed. After-
wards, when he had done according to all that
I commanded him, and the child had died, I

HERODOTUS

[BOOK i

sent some of the most trustworthy of my eu-
nuchs, who viewed the body for me, and then I
had the child buried. This, sire, is the simple
truth, and this is the death by which the child
died."

1 1 8. Thus Harpagus related the whole story
in a plain, straightforward way; upon which
Astyages, letting no sign escape him of the
anger that he felt, began by repeating to him all
that he had just heard from the cowherd, and
then concluded with saying, "So the boy is
alive, and it is best as it is. For the child's fate
was a great sorrow to me, and the reproaches
of my daughter went to my heart. Truly for-
tune has played us a good turn in this. Go thou
home then, and send thy son to be with the
new comer, and to-night, as I mean to sacrifice
thank-offerings for the child's safety to the
gods to whom such honour is due, I look to
have thee a guest at the banquet."

119. Harpagus, on hearing this, made obeis-
ance, and went home rejoicing to find that his
disobedience had turned out so fortunately,
and that, instead of being punished, he was in-
vited to a banquet given in honour of the hap-
py occasion. The moment he reached home he
called for his son, a youth of about thirteen, the
only child of his parents, and bade him go to
the palace, and do whatever Astyages should
direct. Then, in the gladness of his heart, he
went to his wife and told her all that had hap-
pened. Astyages, meanwhile, took the son of
Harpagus, and slew him, after which he cut
him in pieces, and roasted some portions be-
fore the fire, and boiled others; and when all
were duly prepared, he kept them ready for
use. The hour for the banquet came, and Har-
pagus appeared, and with him the other guests,
and all sat down to the feast. Astyages and the
rest of the guests had joints of meat served up
to them; but on the table of Harpagus, nothing
was placed except the flesh of his own son. This
was all put before him, except the hands and
feet and head, which were laid by themselves
in a covered basket. When Harpagus seemed
to have eaten his fill, Astyages called out to
him to know how he had enjoyed the repast.
On his reply that he had enjoyed it excessively,
they whose business it was brought him the
basket, in which were the hands and feet and
head of his son, and bade him open it, and take
out what he pleased. Harpagus accordingly un-
covered the basket, and saw within it the re-
mains of his son. The sight, however, did not
scare him, or rob him of his self-possession. Be-
ing asked by Astyages if he knew what beast's

flesh it was that he had been eating, he an-
swered that he knew very well, and that what-
ever the king did was agreeable. After this re-
ply, he took with him such morsels of the flesh
as were uneaten, and went home, intending,
as I conceive, to collect the remains and bury
them.

120. Such was the mode in which Astyages
punished Harpagus: afterwards, proceeding to
consider what he should do with Cyrus, his
grandchild, he sent for the Magi, who formerly
interpreted his dream in the way which
alarmed him so much, and asked them how
they had expounded it. They answered, with-
out varying from what they had said before,
that "the boy must needs be a king if he grew
up, and did not die too soon." Then Astyages
addressed them thus: "The boy has escaped,
and lives; he has been brought up in the coun-
try, and the lads of the village where he lives
have made him theii king. All that kings com-
monly do he has done. He has had his guards,
and his doorkeepers, and his messengers, and
all the other usual officers. Tell me, then, to
what, think you, does all this tend?" The Magi
answered, "If the boy survives, and has ruled
as a king without any craft or contrivance, in
that case we bid thee cheer up, and feel no
more alarm on his account. He will not reign
a second time. For we have found even oracles
sometimes fulfilled in an unimportant way;
and dreams, still oftener, have wondrous-
ly mean accomplishments." "It is what I my-
self most incline to think," Astyages rejoined;
"the boy having been already king, the dream
is out, and I have nothing more to fear from
him. Nevertheless, take good heed and counsel
me the best you can for the safety of my house
and your own interests." "Truly," said the
Magi in reply, "it very much concerns our in-
terests that thy kingdom be firmly established;
for if it went to this boy it would pass into for-
eign hands, since he is a Persian: and then we
Medes should lose our freedom, and be quite
despised by the Persians, as being foreigners.
But so long as thou, our fellow-countryman,
art on the throne, all manner of honours are
ours, and we are even not without some share
in the government. Much reason therefore
have we to forecast well for thee and for thy
sovereignty. If then we saw any cause for pres-
ent fear, be sure we would not keep it back
from thee. But truly we are persuaded that the
dream has had its accomplishment in this
harmless way; and so our own fears being at
rest, we recommend thee to banish thine. As

118-125]

THE HISTORY

for the boy, our advice is that thou send him
away to Persia, to his father and mother."

121. Astyages heard their answer with pleas-
ure, and calling Cyrus into his presence, said
to him, "My child, I was led to do thee a wrong
by a dream which has come to nothing: from
that wrong thou wert saved by thy own good
fortune. Go now with a light heart to Persia; I
will provide thy escort. Go, and when thou get-
test to thy journey 's end, thou wilt behold thy
father and thy mother, quite other people from
Mitradates the cowherd and his wife."

122. With these words Astyages dismissed
his grandchild. On his arrival at the house of
Cambyses, he was received by his parents, who,
when they learnt who he was, embraced him
heartily, having always been convinced that he
died almost as soon as he was born. So they
asked him by what means he had chanced to
escape; and he told them how that till lately he
had known nothing at all about the matter, but
had been mistaken oh! so widely! and how
that he had learnt his history by the way, as he
came from Media. He had been quite sure that
he was the son of the king's cowherd, but on
the road the king's escort had told him all the
truth; and then he spoke of the cowherd's wife
who had brought him up, and filled his whole
talk with her praises; in all that he had to tell
them about himself, it was always Cyno
Cyno was everything. So it happened that his
parents, catching the name at his mouth, and
wishing to persuade the Persians that there
was a special providence in his preservation,
spread the report that Cyrus, when he was ex-
posed, was suckled by a bitch. This was the
sole origin of the rumour.

123. Afterwards, when Cyrus grew to man-
hood, and became known as the bravest and
most popular of all his compeers, Harpagus,
who was bent on revenging himself upon As-
tyages, began to pay him court by gifts and
messages. His own rank was too humble for
him to hope to obtain vengeance without some
foreign help. When therefore he saw Cyrus,
whose wrongs were so similar to his own,
growing up expressly (as it were) to be the
avenger whom he needed, he set to work to
procure his support and aid in the matter. He
had already paved the way for his designs, by
persuading, severally, the great Median nobles,
whom the harsh rule of their monarch had
offended, that the best plan would be to put
Cyrus at their head, and dethrone Astyages.
These preparations made, Harpagus, being
now ready for revolt, was anxious to make

known his wishes to Cyrus, who still lived in
Persia; but as the roads between Media and
Persia were guarded, he had to contrive a
means of sending word secretly, which he did
in the following way. He took a hare, and cut-
ting open its belly without hurting the fur, he
slipped in a letter containing what he wanted
to say, and then carefully sewing up the
paunch, he gave the hare to one of his most
faithful slaves, disguising him as a hunter with
nets, and sent him off to Persia to take the
game as a present to Cyrus, bidding him tell
Cyrus, by word of mouth, to paunch the ani-
mal himself, and let no one be present at the
time.

124. All was done as he wished, and Cyrus,
on cutting the hare open, found the letter in-
side, and read as follows: "Son of Cambyses,
the gods assuredly watch over thee, or never
wouidst thou have passed through thy many
wonderful adventures now is the time when
thou mayst avenge thyself upon Astyages, thy
murderer. He willed thy death, remember; to
the gods and to me thou owest that thou art
still alive. I think thou art not ignorant of what
he did to thee, nor of what I suffered at his
hands because I committed thee to the cow-
herd, and did not put thee to death. Listen now
to me, and obey my words, and all the empire
of Astyages shall be thine. Raise the standard
of revolt in Persia, and then march straight on
Media. Whether Astyages appoint me to com-
mand his forces against thee, or whether he
appoint any other of the princes of the Medes,
all will go as thou couldst wish. They will be
the first to fall away from him, and joining thy
side, exert themselves to overturn his power.
Be sure that on our part all is ready; wherefore
do thou thy part, and that speedily."

125. Cyrus, on receiving the tidings con-
tained in this letter, set himself to consider how
he might best persuade the Persians to revolt.
After much thought, he hit on the following as
the most expedient course: he wrote what he
thought proper upon a roll, and then calling
an assembly of the Persians, he unfolded the
roll, and read out of it that Astyages appointed
him their general. "And now," said he, "since
it is so, I command you to go and bring each
man his reaping-hook." With these words he
dismissed the assembly.

Now the Persian nation is made up of many
tribes. Those which Cyrus assembled and per-
suaded to revolt from the Medes were the
principal ones on which all the others are de-
pendent. These are the Pasargadae, the Mara-

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

phians, and the Maspians, of whom the Pasar-
gadae arc the noblest. The Achaemenidae, from
which spring all the Perseid kings, is one of
their clans. The rest of the Persian tribes are
the following: the Panthialxans, the Deru-
siaeans, the Germanians, who are engaged in
husbandry; the Daans, the Mardians, the Drop-
icans, and the Sagartians, who are nomads.

126. When, in obedience to the orders which
they had received, the Persians came with their
reaping-hooks, Cyrus led them to a tract of
ground, about eighteen or twenty furlongs
each way, covered with thorns, and ordered
them to clear it before the day was out. They
accomplished their task; upon which he issued
a second order to them, to take the bath the
day following, and again come to him. Mean-
while he collected together all his father's
flocks, both sheep and goats, and all his oxen,
and slaughtered them, and made ready to give
an entertainment to the entire Persian army.
Wine, too, and bread of the choicest kinds were
prepared for the occasion. When the morrow
came, and the Persians appeared, he bade them
recline upon the grass, and enjoy themselves.
After the feast was over, he requested them to
tell him "which they liked best, to-day's work,
or yesterday's ? " They answered that "the con-
trast was indeed strong: yesterday brought
them nothing but what was bad, to-day every-
thing that was good." Cyrus instantly seized
on their reply, and laid bare his purpose in
these words: "Ye men of Persia, thus do mat-
ters stand with you. If you choose to hearken
to my words, you may enjoy these and ten
thousand similar delights, and never conde-
scend to any slavish toil; but if you will not
hearken, prepare yourselves for unnumbered
toils as hard as yesterday's. Now therefore fol-
low my bidding, and be free. For myselt I feel
that I am destined by Providence to undertake
your liberation; and you, I am sure, are no whit
inferior to the Medes in anything, least of all
in bravery. Revolt, therefore, from Astyages,
without a moment's delay."

127. The Persians, who had long been impa-
tient of the Median dominion, now that they
had found a leader, were delighted to shake
off the yoke. Meanwhile Astyages, informed
of the doings of Cyrus, sent a messenger to
summon him to his presence. Cyrus replied,
"Tell Astyages that I shall appear in his pres-
ence sooner than he will like." Astyages, when
he received this message, instantly armed all
his subjects, and, as if God had deprived him
of his senses, appointed Harpagus to be their

general, forgetting how greatly he had injured
him. So when the two armies met and en-
gaged, only a few of the Medes, who were not
in the secret, fought; others deserted openly to
the Persians; while the greater number coun-
terfeited fear, and fled.

128. Astyages, on learning the shameful
flight and dispersion of his army, broke out
into threats against Cyrus, saying, "Cyrus shall
nevertheless have no reason to rejoice"; and di-
rectly he seized the Magian interpreters, who
had persuaded him to allow Cyrus to escape,
and impaled them; after which, he armed all
the Medes who had remained in the city, both
young and old; and leading them against the
Persians, fought a battle, in which he was ut-
terly defeated, his army being destroyed, and
he himself falling into the enemy's hands.

129. Harpagus then, seeing him a prisoner,
came near, and exulted over him with many
jibes and jeers. Among other cutting speeches
which he made, he alluded to the supper where
the flesh of his son was given him to eat, and
asked Astyages to answer him now, how he en-
joyed being a slave instead of a king? Astyages
looked in his face, and asked him in return,
why he claimed as his own the achievements
of Cyrus? "Because," said Harpagus, "it was
my letter which made him revolt, and so I am
entitled to all the credit of the enterprise."
Then Astyages declared that "in that case he
was at once the silliest and the most unjust of
men: the silliest, if when it was in his power to
put the crown on his own head, as it must as-
suredly have been, if the revolt was entirely his
doing, he had placed it on the head of another;
the most unjust, if on account of that supper he
had brought slavery on the Medes. For, sup-
posing that he was obliged to invest another
with the kingly power, and not retain it him-
self, yet justice required that a Mede, rather
than a Persian, should receive the dignity.
Now, however, the Medes, who had been no
parties to the wrong of which he complained,
were made slaves instead of lords, and slaves
moreover of those who till recently had been
their subjects."

130. Thus after a reign of thirty-five years,
Astyages lost his crown, and the Medes, in con-
sequence of his cruelty, were brought under
the rule of the Persians. Their empire over the
parts of Asia beyond the Halys had lasted one
hundred and twenty-eight years, except dur-
ing the time when the Scythians had the do-
minion. Afterwards the Medes repented of
their submission, and revolted from Darius,

126-134]

THE HISTORY

but were defeated in battle, and again reduced
to subjection. Now, however, in the time of
Astyages, it was the Persians who under Cyrus
revolted from the Medes, and became thence-
forth the rulers of Asia. Cyrus kept Astyages
at his court during the remainder of his life,
without doing him any further injury. Such
then were the circumstances of the birth and
bringing up of Cyrus, and such were the steps
by which he mounted the throne. It was at a
later date that he was attacked by Croesus, and
overthrew him, as I have related in an earlier
portion of this history. The overthrow of Croe-
sus made him master of the whole of Asia.

131. The customs which I know the Per-
sians to observe are the following: they have
no images of the gods, no temples nor altars,
and consider the use of them a sign of folly.
This comes, I think, from their not believing
the gods to have the same nature with men, as
the Greeks imagine. Their wont, however, is
to ascend the summits of the loftiest moun-
tains, and there to offer sacrifice to Jupiter,
which is the name they give to the whole cir-
cuit of the firmament. They likewise offer to
the sun and moon, to the earth, to fire, to
water, and to the winds. These are the only
gods whose worship has come down to them
from ancient times. At a later period they be-
gan the worship of Urania, which they bor-
rowed from the Arabians and Assyrians. My-
litta is the name by which the Assyrians know
this goddess, whom the Arabians call Alitta,
and the Persians Mitra. 1

132. To these gods the Persians offer sacri-
fice in the following manner: they raise no
altar, light no fire, pour no libations; there is
no sound of the flute, no putting on of chaplets,
no consecrated barley-cake; but the man who
wishes to sacrifice brings his victim to a spot of
ground which is pure from pollution, and
there calls upon the name of the god to whom
he intends to offer. It is usual to have the tur-
ban encircled with a wreath, most commonly
of myrtle. The sacrificer is not allowed to pray
for blessings on himself alone, but he prays for
the welfare of the king, and of the whole Per-
sian people, among whom he is of necessity in-
cluded. He cuts the victim in pieces, and hav-
ing boiled the flesh, he lays it out upon the
tenderest herbage that he can find, trefoil es-
pecially. When all is ready, one of the Magi
comes forward and chants a hymn, which they

1 This identification is altogether a mistake. The
Persians, like their Vedic brethren, worshipped the
sun under the name of Mithra.

say recounts the origin of the gods. It is not
lawful to offer sacrifice unless there is a Magus
present. After waiting a short time the sacri-
ficer carries the flesh of the victim away with
him, and makes whatever use of it he may
please.

133. Of all the days in the year, the one
which they celebrate most is their birthday. It
is customary to have the board furnished on
that day with an ampler supply than common.
The richer Persians cause an ox, a horse, a
camel, and an ass to be baked whole and so
served up to them: the poorer classes use in-
stead the smaller kinds of cattle. They eat little
solid food but abundance of dessert, which is
set on table a few dishes at a time; this it is
which makes them say that "the Greeks, when
they eat, leave off hungry, having nothing
worth mention served up to them after the
meats; whereas, if they had more put before
them, they would not stop eating." They are
very fond of wine, and drink it in large quan-
tities. To vomit or obey natural calls in the
presence of another is forbidden among them.
Such are their customs in these matters.

It is also their general practice to deliberate
upon affairs of weight when they are drunk;
and then on the morrow, when they are sober,
the decision to which they came the night be-
fore is put before them by the master of the
house in which it was made; and if it is then
approved of, they act on it; if not, they set it
aside. Sometimes, however, they are sober at
their first deliberation, but in this case they al-
ways reconsider the matter under the influence
of wine.

134. When they meet each other in the
streets, you may know if the persons meeting
are of equal rank by the following token: if
they are, instead of speaking, they kiss each
other on the lips. In the case where one is a
little inferior to the other, the kiss is given on
the cheek; where the difference of rank is
great, the inferior prostrates himself upon the
ground. Of nations, they honour most their
nearest neighbours, whom they esteem next to
themselves; those who live beyond these they
honour in the second degree; and so with the
remainder, the further they are removed, the
less the esteem in which they hold them. The
reason is that they look upon themselves as
very greatly superior in all respects to the rest
of mankind, regarding others as approaching
to excellence in proportion as they dwell near-
er to them; whence it comes to pass that those
who are the farthest off must be the most de-

HERODOTUS

f BOOK i

graded of mankind. 1 Under the dominion of
the Medcs, the several nations of the empire
exercised authority over each other in this or-
der. The Medes were lords over all, and gov-
erned the nations upon their borders, who in
their turn governed the States beyond, who
likewise bore rule over the nations which ad-
joined on them. 2 And this is the order which
the Persians also follow in their distribution of
honour; for that people, like the Medes, has a
progressive scale of administration and govern-
ment.

135. There is no nation which so readily
adopts foreign customs as the Persians. Thus,
they have taken the dress of the Medes, consid-
ering it superior to their own; and in war they
wear the Egyptian breastplate. As soon as they
hear of any luxury, they instantly make it their
own: and hence, among other novelties, they
have learnt unnatural lust from the Greeks.
Each of them has several wives, and a still
larger number of concubines.

136. Next to prowess in arms, it is regarded
as the greatest proof of manly excellence to be
the father of many sons. Every year the king
sends rich gifts to the man who can show the
largest number: for they hold that number is
strength. Their sons arc carefully instructed
from their fifth to their twentieth year, in three
things alone, to ride, to draw the bow, and to
speak the truth. Until their fifth year they are
not allowed to come into the sight of their
father, but pass their lives with the women.
This is done that, if the child die young, the
father may not be afflicted by its loss.

137. To my mind it is a wise rule, as also
is the following that the king shall not put
any one to death for a single iault, and that
none of the Persians shall visit a single fault in
a slave with any extreme penalty; but in every

1 In an early stage of geographical knowledge
each nation regards itself as occupying the centre
of the earth. Herodotus tacitly assumes that
Greece is the centre.

2 It is quite inconceivable that there should have
been any such system of government either in
Media or Persia, as Herodotus here indicates. With
respect to Persia, we know that the most distant
satrapies were held as directly of the crown as
the nearest. The utmost that can be said with truth
is that in the Persian and Median, as in the Ro-
man empire, there were three grades; first, the rul-
ing nation*, secondly, the conquered provinces;
thirdly, the nations on the frontier, governed by
their own laws and princes, but owning the su-
premacy of the imperial power, and reckoned
among its tributaries.

case the services of the offender shall be set
against his misdoings; and, if the latter be
found to outweigh the former, the aggrieved
party shall then proceed to punishment.

138. The Persians maintain that never yet
did any one kill his own father or mother; but
in all such cases they are quite sure that, if
matters were sifted to the bottom, it would be
found that the child was either a changeling
or else the fruit of adultery; for it is not likely,
they say, that the real father should perish by
the hands of his child.

139. They hold it unlawful to talk of any-
thing which it is unlawful to do. The most dis-
graceful thing in the world, they think, is to
tell a lie; the next worst, to owe a debt: be-
cause, among other reasons, the debtor is
obliged to tell lies. If a Persian has the leprosy
he is not allowed to enter into a city, or to have
any dealings with the other Persians; he must,
they say, have sinned against the sun. Foreign-
ers attacked by this disorder, are forced to leave
the country: even white pigeons are often driv-
en away, as guilty of the same offence. They
never defile a river with the secretions of their
bodies, nor even wash their hands in one; nor
will they allow others to do so, as they have
a great reverence for rivers. There is another
peculiarity, which the Persians themselves
have never noticed, but which has not escaped
my observation. Their names, which are ex-
pressive of some bodily or mental excellence,
all end with the same letter the letter which
is called San by the Dorians, and Sigma by the
lonians. Any one who examines will find that
the Persian names, one and all without excep-
tion, end with this letter. 3

140. Thus much I can declare of the Per-
sians with entire certainty, from my own actual
knowledge. There is another custom which is
spoken of with reserve, and not openly, con-
cerning their dead. It is said that the body of a
male Persian is never buried, until it has been
torn either by a dog or a bird of prey. That the
Magi have this custom is beyond a doubt, for
they practise it without any concealment. The
dead bodies are covered with wax, and then
buried in the ground.

3 Here Herodotus was again mistaken. The Per-
sian names of men which terminate with a conso-
nant end indeed invariably with the letter s, or
rather sh t as Kurush (Cyrus), Daryavush (Dari-
us). But a large number of Persian names of men
were pronounced with a vowel termination, not
expressed in writing, and in these the last conso-
nant might be almost any letter.

THE HISTORY

The Magi are a very peculiar race, different
entirely from the Egyptian priests, and indeed
from all other men whatsoever. The Egyptian
priests make it a point of religion not to kill
any live animals except those which they oiler
in sacrifice. The Magi, on the contrary, kill ani-
mals of all kinds with their own hands, ex-
cepting dogs and men. They even seem to take
a delight in the employment, and kill, as read-
ily as they do other animals, ants and snakes,
and such like flying or creeping things. How-
ever, since this has always been their custom,
let them keep to it. I return to my former nar-
rative.

141. Immediately after the conquest of
Lydia by the Persians, the Ionian and /Rolian
Greeks sent ambassadors to Cyrus at Sardis,
and prayed to become his lieges on the footing
which they had occupied under Croesus. Cyrus
listened attentively to their proposals, and an-
swered them by a fable. "There was a certain
piper," he said, "who was walking one day by
the seaside, when he espied some fish; so he be-
gan to pipe to them, imagining they would
come out to him upon the land. But as he
found at last that his hope was vain, he took a
net, and enclosing a great draught of fishes,
drew them ashore. The fish then began to leap
and dance; but the piper said, 'Cease your
dancing now, as you did not choose to come
and dance when I piped to you.' " Cyrus gave
this answer to the lonians and Cohans, be-
cause, when he urged them by his messengers
to revolt from Croesus, they refused; but now,
when his work was done, they came to offer
their allegiance. It was in anger, therefore,
that he made them this reply. The lonians, on
hearing it, set to work to fortify their towns,
and held meetings at the Panionmm, which
were attended by all excepting the Milesians,
with whom Cyrus had concluded a separate
treaty, by which he allowed them the terms
they had formerly obtained from Croesus. The
other lonians resolved, with one accord, to send
ambassadors to Sparta to implore assistance.

142. Now the lonians of Asia, who meet at
the Panionium, have built their cities in a re-
gion where the air and climate are the most
beautiful in the whole world: for no other re-
gion is equally blessed with Ionia, * neither
above it nor below it, nor east nor west of it.
For in other countries either the climate is over
cold and damp, or else the heat and drought
are sorely oppressive. The lonians do not all
speak the same language, but use in different
places four different dialects. Towards the

south their first city is Miletus, next to which
lie Myus and Priene; all these three are in
Caria and have the same dialect. Their cities
in Lydia are the following: Ephesus, Colo-
phon, Lebcdus, Teos, Clazomenae, and Pho-
ca. The inhabitants of these towns have none
of the peculiarities of speech which belong to
the three first-named cities, but use a dialect of
their own. There remain three other Ionian
towns, two situate in isles, namely, Samos and
Chios; and one upon the mainland, which is
Erythra?. Of these Chios and Erythrx have the
same dialect, while Samos possesses a language
peculiar to itself. Such are the four varieties of
which I spoke.

143. Of the lonians at this period, one peo-
ple, the Milesians, were in no danger of attack,
as Cyrus had received them into alliance. The
islanders also had as yet nothing to fear, since
Phoenicia was still independent of Persia, and
the Persians themselves were not a seafaring
people. The Milesians had separated from the
common cause solely on account of the ex-
treme weakness of the lonians: for, feeble as
the power of the entire Hellenic race was at
that time, of all its tribes the Ionic was by far
the feeblest and least esteemed, not possessing
a single State of any mark excepting Athens.
The Athenians and most of the other Ionic
States over the world, went so far in their dis-
like of the name as actually to lay it aside; and
even at the present day the greater number of
them seem to me to be ashamed of it. But the
twelve cities in Asia have always gloried in the
appellation; they gave the temple which they
built for themselves the name of the Panio-
nium, and decreed that it should not be open
to any of the other Ionic States; no State,
however, except Smyrna, has craved admission
to it.

144. In the same way the Dorians of the re-
gion which is now called the Pentapolis, but
which was formerly known as the Doric Hexa-
polis, exclude all their Dorian neighbours from
their temple, theTriopium: nay, they have even
gone so far as to shut out from it certain of
their own body who were guilty of an offence
against the customs of the place. In the games
which were anciently celebrated in honour of
the Triopian Apollo, the prizes given to the
victors were tripods of brass; and the rule was
that these tripods should not be carried away
from the temple, but should then and there be
dedicated to the god. Now a man of Halicar-
nassus, whose name was Agasicles, being de-
clared victor in the games, in open contempt of

HERODOTUS

[BOOK i

the law, took the tripod home to his own house
and there hung it against the wall. As a pun-
ishment for this fault, the five other cities, Lin-
dus, lalyssus, Cameirus, Cos, and Cnidus, de-
prived the sixth city, Halicarnassus, of the
right of entering the temple.

145. The lonians founded twelve cities in
Asia, and refused to enlarge the number, on ac-
count (as I imagine) of their having been di-
vided into twelve States when they lived in the
Peloponnese; just as the Achaeans, who drove
them out, are at the present day. The first city
of the Achaeans after Sicyon, is Pellene, next to
which are /Egeira, ^Egae upon the Crathis, a
stream which is never dry, and from which the
Italian Crathis received its name, Bura, He-
lice where the lonians took refuge on their
defeat by the Achxan invaders yEgium, Rhy-
pes, Patreis, Phareis, Olenus on the Peirus,
which is a large river Dym^ and Tritaeeis,
all sea-port towns except the last two, which lie
up the country.

146. These arc the twelve divisions of what
is now Achaca, and was formerly Ionia; and it
was owing to their coming from a country so
divided that the lonians, on reaching Asia,
founded their twelve States: for it is the height
of folly to maintain that these lonians are more
Ionian than the rest, or in any respect better
born, since the truth is that no small portion of
them were Abantians from Euboea, who are
not even lonians in name; and, besides, there
were mixed up with the emigration Minyae
from Orchomenus, Cadmeians, Dryopians,
Phocians from the several cities of Phocis, Mo-
lossians, Arcadian Pelasgi, Dorians from Epi-
daurus, and many other distinct tribes. Even
those who came from the Prytancum of Ath-
ens, and reckon themselves the purest lonians
of all, brought no wives with them to the new
country, but married Carian girls, whose fa-
thers they had slain. Hence these women made
a law, which they bound themselves by an oath
to observe, and which they handed down to
their daughters after them, "That none should
ever sit at meat with her husband, or call him
by his name"; because the invaders slew their
fathers, their husbands, and their sons, and
then forced them to become their wives. It was
at Miletus that these events took place.

147. The kings, too, whom they set over
them, were either Lycians, of the blood of
Glaucus, son of Hippolochus, or Pylian Cau-
cons of the blood of Codrus, son of Mel an thus;
or else from both those families. But since these
lonians set more store by the name than any of

the others, let them pass for the pure-bred lon-
ians; though truly all are lonians who have
their origin from Athens, and keep the Apa-
turia. This is a festival which all the lonians
celebrate, except the Ephesians and the Colo-
phonians, whom a certain act of bloodshed ex-
cludes from it.

148. The Panionium is a place in Mycale,
facing the north, which was chosen by the
common voice of the lonians and made sacred
to Heliconian Neptune. Mycale itself is a pro-
montory of the mainland, stretching out west-
ward towards Samos, in which the lonians as-
semble from all their States to keep the feast
of the Panionia. The names of festivals, not
only among the lonians but among all the
Greeks, end, like the Persian proper names, in
one and the same letter.

149. The above-mentioned, then, are the
twelve towns of the lonians. The ALolic cities
are the following: Cyme, called also Phri-
conis, Larissa, Neonteichus, Temnus, Cilia,
Notium, ^Egiroessa, Pitane, jEgaea.-, Mynna,
and Gryneia. These are the eleven ancient ci-
ties of the ^olians. Originally, indeed, they
had twelve cities upon the mainland, like the
lonians, but the lonians deprived them of
Smyrna, one of the number. The soil of JEolis
is better than that of Ionia, but the climate is
less agreeable.

150. The following is the way in which the
loss of Smyrna happened. Certain men of Col-
ophon had been engaged in a sedition there,
and being the weaker party, were driven by the
others into banishment. The Smyrnaeans re-
ceived the fugitives, who, after a time, watch-
ing their opportunity, while the inhabitants
were celebrating a feast to Bacchus outside the
walls, shut to the gates, and so got possession of
the town. The Cohans of the other States came
to their aid, and terms were agreed on between
the parties, the lonians consenting to give up
all the moveables, and the ^Eolians making a
surrender of the place. The expelled Smyrnae-
ans were distributed among the other States of
the ^Bolians, and were everywhere admitted to
citizenship.

151. These, then, were all the ^Eolic cities
upon the mainland, with the exception of those
about Mount Ida, which made no part of this
confederacy. As for the islands, Lesbos contains
five cities. Arisba, the sixth, was taken by the
Methymnaeans, their kinsmen, and the inhabi-
tants reduced to slavery. Tenedos contains one
city, and there is another which is built on what
are called the Hundred Isles. The ^Eolians of

145-156]

THE HISTORY

Lesbos and Tencdos, like the Ionian islanders,
had at this time nothing to fear. The other ^Eo-
lians decided in their common assembly to fol-
low the lonians, whatever course they should
pursue.

152. When the deputies of the lonians and
Cohans, who had journeyed with all speed to
Sparta, reached the city, they chose one of their
number, Pythermus, a Phocacan, to be their
spokesman. In order to draw together as large
an audience as possible, he clothed himself in
a purple garment, and so attired stood forth to
speak. In a long discourse he besought the Spar-
tans to come to the assistance of his country-
men, but they were not to be persuaded, and
voted against sending any succour. The depu-
ties accordingly went their way, while the La-
cedaemonians, notwithstanding the refusal
which they had given to the prayer of the depu-
tation, despatched a penteconter to the Asiatic
coast with certain Spartans on board, for the
purpose, as I think, of watching Cyrus and Io-
nia. These men, on their arrival at Phocaea, sent
to Sardis Lacrines, the most distinguished of
their number, to prohibit Cyrus, in the name of
the Lacedaemonians, from offering molestation
to any city of Greece, since they would not al-
low it.

153. Cyrus is said, on hearing the speech of
the herald, to have asked some Greeks who
were standing by, "Who these Lacedaemonians
were, and what was their number, that they
dared to send him such a notice?" When he
had received their reply, he turned to the Spar-
tan herald and said, "I have never yet been
afraid of any men, who have a set place in the
middle of their city, where they come together
to cheat each other and forswear themselves. If
I live, the Spartans shall have troubles enough
of their own to talk of, without concerning
themselves about the lonians." Cyrus intended
these words as a reproach against all the
Greeks, because of their having market-places
where they buy and sell, which is a custom un-
known to the Persians, who never make pur-
chases in open marts, and indeed have not in
their whole country a single market-place.

After this interview Cyrus quitted Sardis,
leaving the city under the charge of Tabalus, a
Persian, but appointing Pactyas, a native, to
collect the treasure belonging to Croesus and
the other Lydians, and bring it after him. Cy-
rus himself proceeded towards Agbatana, car-
rying Croesus along with him, not regarding
the lonians as important enough to be his im-
mediate object. Larger designs were in his

mind. He wished to war in person against Ba-
bylon, the Bactrians, the Sacae, and Egypt; he
therefore determined to assign to one of his
generals the task of conquering the lonians.

154. No sooner, however, was Cyrus gone
from Sardis than Pactyas induced his country-
men to rise in open revolt against him and his
deputy Tabalus. With the vast treasures at his
disposal he then went down to the sea, and cm-
ployed them in hiring mercenary troops, while
at the same time he engaged the people of the
coast to enrol themselves in his army. He then
marched upon Sardis, where he besieged Taba-
lus, who shut himself up in the citadel.

155. When Cyrus, on his way to Agbatana,
received these tidings, he returned to Croesus
and said, "Where will all this end, Croesus,
thinkest thou? It seemeth that these Lydians
will not cease to cause trouble both to them-
selves and others. I doubt me if it were not best
to sell them all for slaves. Methinks what I
have now done is as if a man were to 'kill the
father and then spare the child.' Thou, who
wert something more than a father to thy
people, I have seized and carried off, and to
that people I have entrusted their city. Can I
then feel surprise at their rebellion?" Thus did
Cyrus open to Croesus his thoughts; whereat
the latter, full of alarm lest Cyrus should lay
Sardis in ruins, replied as follows: "Oh! my
king, thy words are reasonable; but do not, I
beseech thee, give full vent to thy anger, nor
doom to destruction an ancient city, guiltless
alike of the past and of the present trouble. I
caused the one, and in my own person now pay
the forfeit. Pactyas has caused the other, he to
whom thou gavest Sardis in charge; let him
bear the punishment. Grant, then, forgiveness
to the Lydians, and to make sure of their never
rebelling against thee, or alarming thee more,
send and forbid them to keep any weapons of
war, command them to wear tunics under their
cloaks, and to put buskins upon their legs, and
make them bring up their sons to cithern-play-
ing, harping, and shop-keeping. So wilt thou
soon see them become women instead of men,
and there will be no more fear of their revolt-
ing from thee."

156. Croesus thought the Lydians would
even so be better off than if they were sold for
slaves, and therefore gave the above advice to
Cyrus, knowing that, unless he brought for-
ward some notable suggestion, he would not
be able to persuade him to alter his mind. He
was likewise afraid lest, after escaping the dan-
ger which now pressed, the Lydians at some fu-

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

turc time might revolt from the Persians and
so bring themselves to ruin. The advice pleased
Cyrus, who consented to forego his anger and
do as Croesus had said. Thereupon he sum-
moned to his presence a certain Mede, Mazares
by name, and charged him to issue orders to
the Lydians in accordance with the terms of
Cra'sus' discourse. Further, he commanded
him to sell for slaves all who had joined the
Lydians in their attack upon Sardis, and above
aught else to be sure that he brought Pactyas
with him alive on his return. Having given
these orders Cyrus continued his journey to-
wards the Persian territory.

157. Pactyas, when news came of the near
approach of the army sent against him, fled in
terror to Cyme. Mazares, therefore, the Median
general, who had marched on Sardis with a de-
tachment of the army of Cyrus, finding on his
arrival that Pactyas and his troops were gone,
immediately entered the town. And first of all
he forced the Lydians to obey the orders of his
master, and change (as they did from that
time) their entire manner of living. Next, he
despatched messengers to Cyme, and required
to have Pactyas delivered up to him. On this
the Cymxans resolved to send to Branchidx
and ask the advice of the god. Branchidx is
situated in the territory ot Miletus, above the
port of Panormus. There was an oracle there,
established in very ancient times, which both
the lonians and /Eolians were wont often to
consult.

158. Hither therefore the Cymxans sent
their deputies to make inquiry at the shrine,
"What the gods would like them to do with
the Lydian, Pactyas?" The oracle told them, in
reply, to give him up to the Persians. With this
answer the messengers returned, and the peo-
ple of Cyme* were ready to surrender him ac-
cordingly; but as they were preparing to do so,
Anstodicus, son of Heraclides, a citizen of dis-
tinction, hindered them. He declared that he
distrusted the response, and believed that the
messengers had reported it falsely; until at last
another embassy, of which Anstodicus himself
made part, was despatched, to repeat the for-
mer inquiry concerning Pactyas.

159. On their arrival at the shrine of the
god, Anstodicus, speaking on behalf of the
whole body, thus addressed the oracle: "Oh!
king, Pactyas the Lydian, threatened by the
Persians with a violent death, has come to us
for sanctuary, and lo, they ask him at our
hands, calling upon our nation to deliver him
up. Now, though we greatly dread the Persian

power, yet have we not been bold to give up
our suppliant, till we have certain knowledge
of thy mind, what thou wouldst have us to do."
The oracle thus questioned gave the same an-
swer as before, bidding them surrender Pactyas
to the Persians; whereupon Anstodicus, who
had come prepared for such an answer, pro-
ceeded to make the circuit of the temple, and
to take all the nests of young sparrows and
other birds that he could find about the build-
ing. As he was thus employed, a voice, it is
said, came forth from the inner sanctuary, ad-
dressing Aristodicus in these words: "Most im-
pious of men, what is this thou hast the face to
do? Dost thou tear my suppliants from my
temple?" Anstodicus, at no loss for a reply, re-
joined, "Oh, king, art thou so ready to protect
thy suppliants, and dost thou command the
Cymxans to give up a suppliant?" "Yes," re-
turned the god, "I do command it, that so for
the impiety you may the sooner perish, and
not come here again to consult my oracle about
the surrender of suppliants."

1 60. On the receipt of this answer the Cy-
mxans, unwilling to bring the threatened de-
struction on themselves by giving up the man,
and afraid of having to endure a siege if they
continued to harbour him, sent Pactyas away
to Mytilene. On this Mazarcs despatched en-
voys to the Mytilenxans to demand the fugitive
of them, and they were preparing to give him
up for a reward (I cannot say with certainty
how large, as the bargain was not completed),
when the Cymxans, hearing what the Myti-
lenxans were about, sent a vessel to Lesbos, and
conveyed away Pactyas to Chios. From hence
it was that he was surrendered. The Chians
dragged him from the temple of Minerva Po-
liuchus and gave him up to the Persians, on
condition of receiving the district of Atarneus,
a tract of Mysia opposite to Lesbos, as the price
of the surrender. Thus did Pactyas fall into the
hands of his pursuers, who kept a strict watch
upon him that they might be able to produce
him before Cyrus. For a long time afterwards
none of the Chians would use the barley of
Atarneus to place on the heads of victims, or
make sacrificial cakes of the corn grown there,
but the whole produce of the land was exclud-
ed from all their temples.

161. Meanwhile Mazares, after he had re-
covered Pactyas from the Chians, made war
upon those who had taken part in the attack
on Tabalus, and in the first place took Priene*
and sold the inhabitants for slaves, after which
he overran the whole plain of the Mxander and

i 57 -i66]

THE HISTORY

the district of Magnesia, both of which he gave
up for pillage to the soldiery. He then suddenly
sickened and died.

162. Upon his death Harpagus was sent
down to the coast to succeed to his command.
He also was of the race of the Medes, being the
man whom the Median king, Astyages, feasted
at the unholy banquet, and who lent his aid to
place Cyrus upon the throne. Appointed by Cy-
rus to conduct the war in these parts, he en-
tered Ionia, and took the cities by means of
mounds. Forcing the enemy to shut themselves
up within their defences, he heaped mounds of
earth against their walls, and thus carried the
towns. Phocaea was the city against which he
directed his first attack.

163. Now the Phocaeans were the first of the
Greeks who performed long voyages, and it
was they who made the Greeks acquainted
with the Adriatic and with Tyrrhenia, with
Iberia, and the city of Tartessus. The vessel
which they used in their voyages was not the
round-built merchant-ship, but the long pente-
conter. On their arrival at Tartessus, the king
of the country, whose name was Arganthonius,
took a liking to them. This monarch reigned
over the Tartessians for eighty years, and lived
to be a hundred and twenty years old. He re-
garded the Phocaeans with so much favour as,
at first, to beg them to quit Ionia and settle in
whatever part of his country they liked. After-
wards, finding that he could not prevail upon
them to agree to this, and hearing that the
Mcde was growing great in their neighbour-
hood, he gave them money to build a wall
about their town, and certainly he must have
given it with a bountiful hand, for the town is
many furlongs in circuit, and the wall is built
entirely of great blocks of stone skilfully fitted
together. The wall, then, was built by his aid.

164. Harpagus, having advanced against
the Phocaeans with his army, laid siege to their
city, first, however, offering them terms. "It
would content him," he said, "if the Phocae-
ans would agree to throw down one of their
battlements, and dedicate one dwelling-house
to the king." The Phocaeans, sorely vexed at
the thought of becoming slaves, asked a single
day to deliberate on the answer they should re-
turn, and besought Harpagus during that day
to draw off his forces from the walls. Harpagus
replied, "that he understood well enough what
they were about to do, but nevertheless he
would grant their request." Accordingly the
troops were withdrawn, and the Phocaeans
forthwith took advantage of their absence to

launch their penteconters, and put on board
their wives and children, their household
goods, and even the images of their gods, with
all the votive offerings from the fanes, except
the paintings and the works in stone or brass,
which were left behind. With the rest they em-
barked, and putting to sea, set sail for Chios.
The Persians, on their return, took possession
of an empty town.

165. Arrived at Chios, the Phocxans made
offers for the purchase of the islands called the
CEnuss#, but the Chians refused to part with
them, fearing lest the Phocaeans should estab-
lish a factory there, and exclude their mer-
chants from the commerce of those seas. On
their refusal, the Phocaeans, as Arganthonius
was now dead, made up their minds to sail to
Cyrnus (Corsica), where, twenty years before,
following the direction of an oracle, they had
founded a city, which was called Alalia. Before
they set out, however, on this voyage, they
sailed once more to Phocaea, and surprising the
Persian troops appointed by Harpagus to gar-
rison the town, put them all to the sword. After
this they laid the heaviest curses on the man
who should draw back and forsake the arma-
ment; and having dropped a heavy mass of
iron into the sea, swore never to return to Pho-
caea till that mass reappeared upon the surface.
Nevertheless, as they were preparing to depart
for Cyrnus, more than half of their number
were seized with such sadness and so great a
longing to see once more their city and their
ancient homes, that they broke the oath by
which they had bound themselves and sailed
back to Phocara.

1 66. The rest of the Phocaeans, who kept
their oath, proceeded without stopping upon
their voyage, and when they came to Cyrnus
established themselves along with the earlier
settlers at Alalia and built temples in the place.
For five years they annoyed their neighbours
by plundering and pillaging on all sides, until
at length the Carthaginians and Tyrrhenians
leagued against them, and sent each a fleet of
sixty ships to attack the town. The Phocaeans,
on their part, manned all their vessels, sixty in
number, and met their enemy on the Sardinian
sea. In the engagement which followed the
Phocaeans were victorious, but their success
was only a sort of Cadmeian victory. 1 They
lost forty ships in the battle, and the twenty
which remained came out of the engagement
with beaks so bent and blunted as to be no

1 A Cadmeian victory was one frpm which the
victor received more hurt than profit.

HERODOTUS

[BOOK i

longer serviceable. The Phocaeans therefore
sailed back again to Alalia, and taking their
wives and children on board, with such por-
tion of their goods and chattels as the vessels
could bear, bade adieu to Cyrnus and sailed to
Rhegium.

167. The Carthaginians and Tyrrhenians,
who had got into their hands many more than
the Phocitans from among the crews of the
forty vessels that were destroyed, landed their
captives upon the coast after the fight, and
stoned them all to death. Afterwards, when
sheep, or oxen, or even men of the district of
Agylla passed by the spot where the murdered
Phocxans lay, their bodies became distorted, or
they were seized with palsy, or they lost the
use of some of their limbs. On this the people
of Agylla sent to Delphi to ask the oracle how
they might expiate their sin. The answer of the
Pythoness required them to institute the cus-
tom, which they still observe, of honouring the
dead Phocxans with magnificent funeral rites,
and solemn games, both gymmc and equestri-
an. Such, then, was the fate that befell the Pho-
cacan prisoners. The other Phocarans, who had
fled to Rhegium, became after a while the
founders of the city called Vela, in the district
of (Enotria. This city they colonised, upon the
showing of a man of Posidonia, who suggested
that the oracle had not meant to bid them set
up a town in Cyrnus the island, but set up the
worship of Cyrnus the hero.

168. Thus fared it with the men of the city
of Phoc.va in [onia. They of Teos did and suf-
fered almost the same; for they too, when Har-
pagus had raised his mound to the height of
their defences, took ship, one and all, and sail-
ing across the sea to Thrace, founded there the
city of Abdcra. The site was one which Ti-
mesius of Clazomenx had previously tried to
colonise, but without any lasting success, for he
was expelled by the Thracians. Still the Teians
of Abdcra worship him to this day as a hero.

169. Of all the lonians these two states alone,
rather than submit to slavery, forsook their
fatherland. The others (I except Miletus) re-
sisted Harpagus no less bravely than those who
fled their country, and performed many feats
of arms, each fighting in their own defence,
but one after another they suffered defeat; the
cities were taken, and the inhabitants submit-
ted, remaining in their respective countries,
and obeying the behests of their new lords. Mi-
letus, as I have already mentioned, had made
terms with Cyrus, and so continued at peace.
Thus was continental Ionia once more reduced

to servitude; and when the lonians of the is-
lands saw their brethren upon the mainland
subjugated, they also, dreading the like, gave
themselves up to Cyrus.

170. It was while the lonians were in this
distress, but still, amid it all, held their meet-
ings, as of old, at the Panionium, that Bias of
Priene, who was present at the festival, recom-
mended (as I am informed) a project of the
very highest wisdom, which would, had it been
embraced, have enabled the lonians to become
the happiest and most flourishing of the
Greeks. He exhorted them "to join in one body,
set sail for Sardinia, and there found a single
Pan-Ionic city; so they would escape from slav-
ery and rise to great fortune, being masters of
the largest island in the world, exercising do-
minion even beyond its bounds; whereas if
they stayed in Ionia, he saw no prospect of their
ever recovering their lost freedom." Such was
the counsel which Bias gave the lonians in
their affliction. Before their misfortunes began,
Thales, a man of Miletus, of Phoenician de-
scent, had recommended a different plan. He
counselled them to establish a single seat of
government, and pointed out Teos as the fittest
place for it; "for that," he said, "was the centre
of Ionia. Their other cities might still continue
to enjoy their own laws, just as if they were in-
dependent states." This also was good advice.

171. After conquering the lonians, Harpa-
gus proceeded to attack the Carians, the Cau-
nians, and the Lycians. The lonians and /oh-
ans were forced to serve in his army. Now, of
the above nations the Carians are a race who
came into the mainland from the islands. In
ancient times they were subjects of king Minos,
and went by the name of Leleges, dwelling
among the isles, and, so far as I have been able
to push my inquiries, never liable to give trib-
ute to any man. They served on board the ships
of king Minos whenever he required; and thus,
as he was a great conqueror and prospered in
his wars, the Carians were in his day the most
famous by far of all the nations of the earth.
They likewise were the inventors of three
things, the use of which was borrowed from
them by the Greeks; they were the first to fas-
ten crests on helmets and to put devices on
shields, and they also invented handles for
shields. In the earlier times shields were with-
out handles, and their wearers managed them
by the aid of a leathern thong, by which they
were slung round the neck and left shoulder.
Long after the time of Minos, the Carians were
driven from the islands by the lonians and

167-175]

THE HISTORY

Dorians, and so settled upon the mainland.
The above is the account which the Cretans
give of the Carians: the Carians themselves say
very differently. They maintain that they are
the aboriginal inhabitants of the part of the
mainland where they now dwell, and never
had any other name than that which they still
bear; and in proof of this they show an ancient
temple of Carian Jove in the country of the
Mylasians, in which the Mysians and Lydians
have the right of worshipping, as brother races
to the Carians: for Lydus and Mysus, they say,
were brothers of Car. These nations, therefore,
have the aforesaid right; but such as are of a
different race, even though they have come to
use the Carian tongue, are excluded from this
temple.

172. The Caumans, in my judgment, arc ab-
originals; but by their own account they came
from Crete. In their language, either they have
approximated to the Carians, or the Carians to
them on this point I cannot speak with cer-
tainty. In their customs, however, they differ
greatly from the Carians, and not only so, but
from all other men. They think it a most hon-
ourable practice for friends or persons of the
same age, whether they be men, women, or
children, to meet together in large companies,
for the purpose of drinking wine. Again, on
one occasion they determined that they would
no longer make use of the foreign temples
which had been long established among them,
but would worship their own old ancestral
gods alone. Then their whole youth took arms,
and striking the air with their spears, marched
to the Calyndic frontier, declaring that they
were driving out the foreign gods.

173. The Lycians are in good truth anciently
from Crete; which island, in former clays, was
wholly peopled with barbarians. A quarrel
arising there between the two sons of Europa,
Sarpedon and Minos, as to which of them
should be king, Minos, whose party prevailed,
drove Sarpedon and his followers into banish-
ment. The exiles sailed to Asia, and landed on
the Milyan territory. Milyas was the ancient
name of the country now inhabited by the Ly-
cians: the Milyac of the present day were, in
those times, called Solymi. So long as Sarpedon
reigned, his followers kept the name which
they brought with them from Crete, and were
called Termilae, as the Lycians still are by those
who live in their neighbourhood. But after Ly-
cus, the son of Pandion, banished from Athens
by his brother ^geus, had found a refuge with
Sarpedon in the country of these Termilae, they

came, in course of time, to be called from him
Lycians. Their customs are partly Cretan, part-
ly Carian. They have, however, one singular
custom in which they differ from every other
nation in the world. They take the mother's
and not the father's name. Ask a Lyaan who
he is, and he answers by giving his own name,
that of his mother, and so on in the female line.
Moreover, if a free woman marry a man who
is a slave, their children are full citizens; but if
a free man marry a foreign woman, or live
with a concubine, even though he be the first
person in the State, the children foricit all the
rights of citizenship.

174. Ot these nations, the Carians submitted
to Harpagus without pertorming any brilliant
exploits. Nor did the Greeks who dwelt in
Caria behave with any greater gallantry.
Among them were the Cnidians, colonists from
Laceda:mon, who occupy a district facing the
sea, which is called Triopium. This region ad-
joins upon the Bybassian Chersonese; and, ex-
cept a very small space, is surrounded by the
sea, being bounded on the north by the Cera-
mic Gulf, and on the south by the channel to-
wards the islands of Syme and Rhodes. While
Harpagus was engaged in the conquest of Io-
nia, the Cmdians, wishing to make their coun-
try an island, attempted to cut through this nar-
row neck of land, which was no more than five
furlongs across from sea to sea. Their whole ter-
ritory lay inside the isthmus; tor where Cmdia
ends towards the mainland, the isthmus begins
which they were now seeking to cut through.
The work had been commenced, and many
hands were employed upon it, when it was ob-
served that there seemed to be something un-
usual and unnatural in the number ol wounds
that the workmen received, especially about
their eyes, from the splintering of the rock. The
Cnidians, therefore, sent to Delphi, to inquire
what it was that hindered their efforts; and re-
ceived, according to their own account, the fol-
lowing answer from the oracle:

Fence not the isthmus off, nor dig it through
Jove would have made an island, had he wished.

So the Cnidians ceased digging, and when
Harpagus advanced with his army, they gave
themselves up to him without striking a blow.

175. Above Halicarnassus, and further from
the coast, were the Pedasians. With this people,
when any evil is about to befall either them-
selves or their neighbours, the priestess of Mi-
nerva grows an ample beard. Three tunes has
this marvel happened. They alone, of all the

HERODOTUS

[BOOK

dwellers in Caria, resisted Harpagus for a
while, and gave him much trouble, maintain-
ing themselves in a certain mountain called
Lida, which they had fortified; but in course of
time they also were forced to submit.

176. When Harpagus, after these successes,
led his forces into the Xanthian plain, the Ly-
cians of Xanthus went out to meet him in the
field: though but a small band against a numer-
ous host, they engaged in battle, and performed
many glorious exploits. Overpowered at last,
and forced within their walls, they collected
into the citadel their wives and children, all
their treasures, and their slaves; and having so
done, fired the building, and burnt it to the
ground. After this, they bound themselves to-
gether by dreadful oaths, and sallying forth
against the enemy, died sword in hand, not
one escaping. Those Lycians who now claim to
be Xanthians, are foreign immigrants, except
eighty families, who happened to be absent
from the country, and so survived the others.
Thus was Xanthus taken by Harpagus, and
Caunus fell in like manner into his hands; for
the Caunians in the main followed the exam-
ple of the Lycians.

177. While the lower parts of Asia were in
this way brought under by Harpagus, Cyrus in
person subjected the upper regions, conquering
every nation, and not suffering one to escape.
Of these conquests I shall pass by the greater
portion, and give an account of those only
which gave him the most trouble, and are the
worthiest of mention. When he had brought all
the rest of the continent under his sway, he
made war on the Assyrians.

1 78. Assyria possesses a vast number of great
cities, whereof the most renowned and strong-
est at this time was Babylon, whither, after the
fall of Nineveh, the seat of government had
been removed. The following is a description
of the place: The city stands on a broad
plain, and is an exact square, a hundred and
twenty furlongs in length each way, so that the
entire circuit is four hundred and eighty fur-
longs. While such is its size, in magnificence
there is no other city that approaches to it. It is
surrounded, in the first place, by a broad and
deep moat, full of water, behind which rises a
wall fifty royal cubits in width, and two hun-
dred in height. (The royal cubit is longer by
three fingers' breadth than the common cubit.)

179. And here I may not omit to tell the use
to which the mould dug out of the great moat
was turned, nor the manner wherein the wall
was wrought. As fast as they dug the moat the

soil which they got from the cutting was made
into bricks, and when a sufficient number were
completed they baked the bricks in kilns. Then
they set to building, and began with bricking
the borders of the moat, after which they pro-
ceeded to construct the wall itself, using
throughout for their cement hot bitumen, and
interposing a layer of wattled reeds at every
thirtieth course of the bricks. On the top, along
the edges of the wall, they constructed build-
ings of a single chamber facing one another,
leaving between them room for a four-horse
chariot to turn. In the circuit of the wall are a
hundred gates, all of brass, with brazen lintels
and side-posts. The bitumen used in the work
was brought to Babylon from the Is, a small
stream which flows into the Euphrates at the
point where the city of the same name stands,
eight days' journey from Babylon. Lumps of
bitumen are found in great abundance in this
river.

1 80. The city is divided into two portions by
the river which runs through the midst of it.
This river is the Euphrates, a broad, deep,
swift stream, which rises in Armenia, and emp-
ties itself into the Erythraean sea. The city wall
is brought clown on both sides to the edge of
the stream: thence, from the corners of the
wall, there is carried along each bank of the
river a fence of burnt bricks. The houses are
mostly three and four stories high; the streets
all run in straight lines, not only those parallel
to the river, but also the cross streets which
lead down to the water-side. At the river end
of these cross streets are low gates in the fence
that skirts the stream, which are, like the great
gates in the outer wall, of brass, and open on
the water.

181. The outer wall is the main defence of
the city. There is, however, a second inner
wall, of less thickness than the first, but very
little inferior to it in strength. The centre of
each division of the town was occupied by a
fortress. In the one stood the palace of the
kings, surrounded by a wall of great strength
and size: in the other was the sacred precinct
of Jupiter Belus, a square enclosure two fur-
longs each way, with gates of solid brass;
which was also remaining in my time. In the
middle of the precinct there was a tower of
solid masonry, a furlong in length and breadth,
upon which was raised a second tower, and on
that a third, and so on up to eight. The ascent
to the top is on the outside, by a path which
winds round all the towers. When one is about
half-way up, one finds a resting-place and seats,

176-185]

THE HISTORY

where persons are wont to sit some time on
their way to the summit. On the topmost tower
there is a spacious temple, and inside the tem-
ple stands a couch of unusual size, richly
adorned, with a golden table by its side. There
is no statue of any kind set up in the place, nor
is the chamber occupied of nights by any one
but a single native woman, who, as the Chal-
daeans, the priests of this god, affirm, is chosen
for himself by the deity out of all the women
of the land.

182. They also declare but I for my part do
not credit it that the god comes down in per-
son into this chamber, and sleeps upon the
couch. This is like the story told by the Egyp-
tians of what takes place in their city of Thebes,
where a woman always passes the night in
the temple of the Theban Jupiter. 1 In each case
the woman is said to be debarred all inter-
course with men. It is also like the custom of
Patara, in Lycia, where the priestess who de-
livers the oracles, during the time that she is
so employed for at Patara there is not always
an oracle is shut up in the temple every night.

183. Below, in the same precinct, there is a
second temple, in which is a sitting figure of
Jupiter, all of gold. Before the figure stands a
large golden table, and the throne whereon it
sits, and the base on which the throne is placed,
are likewise of gold. The Chaldaeans told me
that all the gold together was eight hundred
talents' weight. Outside the temple are two al-
tars, one of solid gold, on which it is only law-
ful to offer sucklings; the other a common al-
tar, but of great size, on which the full-grown
animals are sacrificed. It is also on the great al-
tar that the Chaldaeans burn the frankincense,
which is offered to the amount of a thousand
talents' weight, every year, at the festival of the
God. In the time of Cyrus there was likewise in
this temple a figure of a man, twelve cubits
high, entirely of solid gold. I myself did not see
this figure, but I relate what the Chaldeans re-
port concerning it. Darius, the son of Hystas-
pes, plotted to carry the statue off, but had not
the hardihood to lay his hands upon it. Xerxes,
however, the son of Darius, killed the priest
who forbade him to move the statue, and took
it away. Besides the ornaments which I have
mentioned, there are a large number of private
offerings in this holy precinct.

184. Many sovereigns have ruled over this
city of Babylon, and lent their aid to the build-

1 The Theban Jupiter, or god worshipped as the
Supreme Being in the city of Thebes, was Ammon
(Amun).

ing of its walls and the adornment of its tem-
ples, of whom I shall make mention in my As-
syrian history. Among them two were women.
Of these, the earlier, called Semiramis, held the
throne five generations before the later prin-
cess. She raised certain embankments well
worthy of inspection, in the plain near Baby-
lon, to control the river, which, till then, used
to overflow, and flood the whole country round
about.

185. The later of the two queens, whose
name was Nitocns, a wiser princess than her
predecessor, not only left behind her, as mem-
orials of her occupancy of the throne, the
works which I shall presently describe, but also,
observing the great power and restless enter-
prise of the Medes, who had taken so large a
number of cities, and among them Nineveh,
and expecting to be attacked in her turn, made
all possible exertions to increase the defences
of her empire. And first, whereas the river Eu-
phrates, which traverses the city, ran formerly
with a straight course to Babylon, she, by cer-
tain excavations which she made at some dis-
tance up the stream, rendered it so winding
that it comes three several times in sight of the
same village, a village in Assyria, which is
called Ardericca; and to this day, they who
would go from our sea to Babylon, on descend-
ing to the river touch three times, and on three
different days, at this very place. She also made
an embankment along each side of the Eu-
phrates, wonderful both for breadth and
height, and dug a basin for a lake a great way
above Babylon, close alongside of the stream,
which was sunk everywhere to the point where
they came to water, and was of such breadth
that the whole circuit measured four hundred
and twenty furlongs. The soil dug out of this
basin was made use of in the embankments
along the waterside. When the excavation was
finished, she had stones brought, and bordered
with them the entire margin of the reservoir.
These two things were done, the river made to
wind, and the lake excavated, that the stream
might be slacker by reason of the number of
curves, and the voyage be rendered circuitous,
and that at the end of the voyage it might be
necessary to skirt the lake and so make a long
round. AH these works were on that side of
Babylon where the passes lay, and the roads
into Media were the straightest, and the aim of
the queen in making them was to prevent the
Medes from holding intercourse with the Bab-
ylonians, and so to keep them in ignorance of
her affairs.

HERODOTUS

[BOOK i

1 86. While the soil from the excavation was
being thus used for the defence of the city, Ni-
tocris engaged also in another undertaking, a
mere by-work compared with those we have
already mentioned. The city, as I said, was di-
vided by the river into two distinct portions.
Under the former kings, if a man wanted to
pass from one of these divisions to the other,
he had to cross in a boat; which must, it seems
to me, have been very troublesome. According-
ly, while she was digging the lake, Nitocris be-
thought herself of turning it to a use which
should at once remove this inconvenience, and
enable her to leave another monument of her
reign over Babylon. She gave orders for the
hewing of immense blocks of stone, and when
they were ready and the basin was excavated,
she turned the entire stream of the Euphrates
into the cutting, and thus for a time, while the
basin was filling, the natural channel of the riv-
er was left dry. Forthwith she set to work, and
in the first place lined the banks of the stream
within the city with quays of burnt brick, and
also bricked the landing-places opposite the
river-gates, adopting throughout the same
fashion of brickwork which had been used in
the town wall; after which, with the materials
which had been prepared, she built, as near the
middle of the town as possible, a stone bridge,
the blocks whereof were bound together with
iron and lead. In the daytime square wooden
platforms were laid along from pier to pier, on
which the inhabitants crossed the stream; but
at night they were withdrawn, to prevent peo-
ple passing from side to side in the dark to com-
mit robberies. When the river had filled the
cutting, and the bridge was finished, the Eu-
phrates was turned back again into its ancient
bed; and thus the basin, transformed suddenly
into a lake, was seen to answer the purpose for
which it was made, and the inhabitants, by
help of the basin, obtained the advantage of a
bridge.

187. It was this same princess by whom a re-
markable deception was planned. She had her
tomb constructed in the upper part of one of
the principal gateways of the city, high above
the heads of the passers by, with this inscrip-
tion cut upon it: "If there be one among my
successors on the throne of Babylon who is in
want of treasure, let him open my tomb, and
take as much as he chooses not, however, un-
less he be truly in want, for it will not be for
his good/' This tomb continued untouched un-
til Darius came to the kingdom. To him it
seemed a monstrous thing that he should be un-

able to use one of the gates of the town, and
that a sum of money should be lying idle, and
moreover inviting his grasp, and he not seize
upon it. Now he could not use the gate, be-
cause, as he drove through, the dead body
would have been over his head. Accordingly he
opened the tomb; but instead of money, found
only the dead body, and a writing which said
"Hadst thou not been insatiate of pelf, and
careless how thou gottest it, thou wouldst not
have broken open the sepulchres of the dead."

1 88. The expedition of Cyrus was under-
taken against the son of this princess, who bore
the same name as his father Labynetus, and
was king of the Assyrians. The Great King,
when he goes to the wars, is always supplied
with provisions carefully prepared at home,
and with cattle of his own. Water too from the
river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, is taken
with him for his drink, as that is the only
water which the kings of Persia taste. Wher-
ever he travels, he is attended by a number of
four-wheeled cars drawn by mules, in which
the Choaspes water, ready boiled for use, and
stored in flagons of silver, is moved with him
from place to place.

189. Cyrus on his way to Babylon came to
the banks of the Gyndes, a stream which, ris-
ing in the Matieman mountains, runs through
the country of the Dardamans, and empties it-
self into the river Tigris. The Tigris, after re-
ceiving the Gyndes, flows on by the city of
Opis, and discharges its waters into the Ery-
thraean sea. When Cyrus reached this stream,
which could only be passed in boats, one of the
sacred white horses accompanying his march,
full of spirit and high mettle, walked into the
water, and tried to cross by himself; but the
current seized him, swept him along with it,
and drowned him in its depths. Cyrus, enraged
at the insolence of the river, threatened so to
break its strength that in future even women
should cross it easily without wetting their
knees. Accordingly he put off for a time his at-
tack on Babylon, and, dividing his army into
two parts, he marked out by ropes one hundred
and eighty trenches on each side of the Gyndes,
leading off from it in all directions, and setting
his army to dig, some on one side of the river,
some on the other, he accomplished his threat
by the aid of so great a number of hands, but
not without losing thereby the whole summer

season.

190. Having, however, thus wreaked his
vengeance on the Gyndes, by dispersing it
through three hundred and sixty channels, Cy-

186-193]

THE HISTORY

rus, with the first approach of the ensuing
spring, marched forward against Babylon. The
Babylonians, encamped without their walls,
awaited his coming. A battle was fought at a
short distance from the city, in which the Bab-
ylonians were defeated by the Persian king,
whereupon they withdrew within their de-
fences. Here they shut themselves up, and
made light of his siege, having laid in a store
of provisions for many years in preparation
against this attack; for when they saw Cyrus
conquering nation after nation, they were con-
vinced that he would never stop, and that their
turn would come at last.

191. Cyrus was now reduced to great per-
plexity, as time went on and he made no prog-
ress against the place. In this distress either
some one made the suggestion to him, or he
bethought himself of a plan, which he proceed-
ed to put in execution. He placed a portion of
his army at the point where the river enters the
city, and another body at the back of the place
where it issues forth, with orders to march into
the town by the bed of the stream, as soon as
the water became shallow enough: he then
himself drew off with the unwarlike portion of
his host, and made for the place where Nito-
cns dug the basin for the river, where he did
exactly what she had done formerly: he turned
the Euphrates by a canal into the basin, which
was then a marsh, on which the river sank to
such an extent that the natural bed of the
stream became fordable. Hereupon the Per-
sians who had been left for the purpose at Bab-
ylon by the river-side, entered the stream,
which had now sunk so as to reach about mid-
way up a man's thigh, and thus got into the town.
Had the Babylonians been apprised of what
Cyrus was about, or had they noticed their dan-
ger, they would never have allowed the Per-
sians to enter the city, but would have de-
stroyed them utterly; for they would have
made fast all the street-gates which gave upon
the river, and mounting upon the walls along
both sides of the stream, would so have caught
the enemy, as it were, in a trap. But, as it was,
the Persians came upon them by surprise and
so took the city. Owing to the vast size of the
place, the inhabitants of the central parts (as
the residents at Babylon declare) long after the
outer portions of the town were taken, knew
nothing of what had chanced, but as they were
engaged in a festival, continued dancing and
revelling until they learnt the capture but too
certainly. Such, then, were the circumstances
of the first taking of Babylon.

192. Among many proofs which I shall
bring forward of the power and resources of
the Babylonians, the following is of special ac-
count. The whole country under the dominion
of the Persians, besides paying a fixed tribute,
is parcelled out into divisions, which have to
supply food to the Great King and his army
during different portions of the year. Now out
of the twelve months which go to a year, the
district of Babylon furnishes food during four,
the other regions of Asia during eight; by
which it appears that Assyria, in respect of re-
sources, is one-third of the whole of Asia. Of
all the Persian governments, or satrapies as
they are called by the natives, this is by far the
best. When Tritantaechmes, son of Artabazus,
held it of the king, it brought him in an artaba
of silver every day. The artaba is a Persian mea-
sure, and holds three chcenixes more than the
medimnus of the Athenians. He also had, be-
longing to his own private stud, besides war-
horses, eight hundred stallions and sixteen
thousand mares, twenty to each stallion. Be-
sides which he kept so great a number of In-
dian hounds, that four large villages of the
plain were exempted from all other charges on
condition of finding them in food.

193. But little rain falls in Assyria, enough,
however, to make the corn begin to sprout, aft-
er which the plant is nourished and the ears
formed by means of irrigation from the river.
For the river does not, as in Egypt, overflow
the corn-lands of its own accord, but is spread
over them by the hand, or by the help of en-
gines. The whole of Babylonia is, like Egypt,
intersected with canals. The largest of them all,
which runs towards the winter sun, and is im-
passable except in boats, is carried from the
Euphrates into another stream, called the Ti-
gris, the river upon which the town of Nineveh
formerly stood. Of all the countries that we
know there is none which is so fruitful in
grain. It makes no pretension indeed of grow-
ing the fig, the olive, the vine, or any other
tree of the kind; but in grain it is so fruitful as
to yield commonly two-hundred-fold, and
when the production is the greatest, even three-
hundred-fold. The blade of the wheat-plant
and barley-plant is often four fingers in
breadth. As for the millet and the sesame, I
shall not say to what height they grow, though
within my own knowledge; for I am not igno-
rant that what I have already written concern-
ing the fruitfulness of Babylonia must seem in-
credible to those who have never visited the
country. The only oil they use is made from

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

the sesame-plant. Palm-trees grow in great
numbers over the whole of the flat country,
mostly of the kind which bears fruit, and this
fruit supplies them with bread, wine, and hon-
ey. They are cultivated like the fig-tree in all
respects, among others in this. The natives tie
the fruit of the male-palms, as they are called
by the Greeks, to the branches of the date-bear-
ing palm, to let the gall-fly enter the dates and
ripen them, and to prevent the fruit from fall-
ing of!. The male-palms, like the wild fig-trees,
have usually the gall-fly in their fruit.

194. But that which surprises me most in the
land, after the city itself, I will now proceed
to mention. The boats which come down the
river to Babylon are circular, and made of
skins. The frames, which are of willow, are cut
in the country of the Armenians above Assyria,
and on these, which serve for hulls, a covering
of skins is stretched outside, and thus the boats
are made, without cither stem or stern, quite
round like a shield. They are then entirely
filled with straw, and their cargo is put on
board, after which they are suffered to float
down the stream. Their chief freight is wine,
stored in casks made of the wood of the palm-
tree. They are managed by two men who stand
upright in them, each plying an oar, one pull-
ing and the other pushing. The boats are of
various sizes, some larger, some smaller; the
biggest reach as high as five thousand talents'
burthen. Each vessel has a live ass on board;
those of larger size have more than one. When
they reach Babylon, the cargo is landed and
offered for sale; after which the men break
up their boats, sell the straw and the frames,
and loading their asses with the skins, set
of! on their way back to Armenia. The current
is too strong to allow a boat to return up-
stream, for which reason they make their boats
of skins rather than wood. On their return to
Armenia they build fresh boats for the next
voyage.

195. The dress of the Babylonians is a linen
tunic reaching to the feet, and above it another
tunic made in wool, besides which they have a
short white cloak thrown round them, and
shoes of a peculiar fashion, not unlike those
worn by the Boeotians. They have long hair,
wear turbans on their heads, and anoint their
whole body with perfumes. Every one carries a
seal, and a walking-stick, carved at the top into
the form of an apple, a rose, a lily, an eagle, or
something similar; for it is not their habit to
use a stick without an ornament.

196. Of their customs, whereof I shall now

proceed to give an account, the following
(which I understand belongs to them in com-
mon with the Illyrian tribe of the Eneti) is the
wisest in my judgment. Once a year in each vil-
lage the maidens of age to marry were collected
all together into one place; while the men stood
round them in a circle. Then a herald called up
the damsels one by one, and offered them for
sale. He began with the most beautiful. When
she was sold for no small sum of money, he
offered for sale the one who came next to her
in beauty. All of them were sold to be wives.
The richest of the Babylonians who wished to
wed bid against each other for the loveliest
maidens, while the humbler wife-seekers, who
were indifTerent about beauty, took the more
homely damsels with marriage-portions. For
the custom was that when the herald had gone
through the whole number of the beautiful
damsels, he should then call up the ugliest a
cripple, if there chanced to be one and offer
her to the men, asking who would agree to
take her with the smallest marriage-portion.
And the man who offered to take the smallest
sum had her assigned to him. The marriage-
portions were furnished by the money paid for
the beautiful damsels, and thus the fairer maid-
ens portioned out the uglier. No one was al-
lowed to give his daughter in marriage to the
man of his choice, nor might any one carry
away the damsel whom he had purchased
without finding bail really and truly to make
her his wife; if, however, it turned out that
they did not agree, the money might be paid
back. All who liked might come even from dis-
tant villages and bid for the women. This was
the best of all their customs, but it has now
fallen into disuse. They have lately hit upon a
very different plan to save their maidens from
violence, and prevent their being torn from
them and carried to distant cities, which is to
bring up their daughters to be courtesans. This
is now done by all the poorer of the common
people, who since the conquest have been mal-
treated by their lords, and have had ruin
brought upon their families.

197. The following custom seems to me the
wisest of their institutions next to the one late-
ly praised. They have no physicians, but when
a man is ill, they lay him in the public square,
and the passers-by come up to him, and if they
have ever had his disease themselves or have
known any one who has suffered from it, they
give him advice, recommending him to do
whatever they found good in their own case,
or in the case known to them; and no one is al-

194-203]

THE HISTORY

lowed to pass the sick man in silence without
asking him what his ailment is.

198. They bury their dead in honey, and
have funeral lamentations like the Egyptians.
When a Babylonian has consorted with his
wife, he sits down before a censer of burning
incense, and the woman sits opposite to him.
At dawn of day they wash; for till they are
washed they will not touch any of their com-
mon vessels. This practice is observed also by
the Arabians.

199. The Babylonians have one most shame-
ful custom. Every woman born in the country
must once in her life go and sit down in the
precinct of Venus, and there consort with a
stranger. Many of the wealthier sort, who are
too proud to mix with the others, drive in cov-
ered carriages to the precinct, followed by a
goodly train of attendants, and there take their
station. But the larger number seat themselves
within the holy enclosure with wreaths of
string about their heads and here there is al-
ways a great crowd, some coming and others
going; lines of cord mark out paths in all di-
rections among the women, and the strangers
pass along them to make their choice. A wo-
man who has once taken her seat is not al-
lowed to return home till one of the strangers
throws a silver com into her lap, and takes her
with him beyond the holy ground. When he
throws the coin he says these words "The
goddess Mylitta prosper thee." (Venus is called
Myhtta by the Assyrians.) The silver coin may
be of any size; it cannot be refused, for that is
forbidden by the law, since once thrown it is
sacred. The woman goes with the first man
who throws her money, and rejects no one.
When she has gone with him, and so satisfied
the goddess, she returns home, and from that
time forth no gift however great will prevail
with her. Such of the women as are tall and
beautiful are soon released, but others who are
ugly have to stay a long time before they can
fulfil the law. Some have waited three or four
years in the precinct. A custom very much like
this is found also in certain parts of the island
of Cyprus.

200. Such are the customs of the Babylon-
ians generally. There are likewise three tribes
among them who eat nothing but fish. These
are caught and dried in the sun, after which
they are brayed in a mortar, and strained
through a linen sieve. Some prefer to make
cakes of this material, while others bake it into
a kind of bread.

301. When Cyrus had achieved the conquest

of the Babylonians, he conceived the desire of
bringing the Massagetx under his dominion.
Now the Massagetse are said to be a great and
warlike nation, dwelling eastward, toward the
rising of the sun, beyond the river Araxes, and
opposite the Issedonians. By many they are re-
garded as a Scythian race.

202. As for the Araxes, it is, according to
some accounts, larger, according to others
smaller than the Ister (Danube). It has islands
in it, many of which arc said to be equal in size
to Lesbos. The men who inhabit them feed
during the summer on roots of all kinds, which
they dig out of the ground, while they store up
the fruits, which they gather from the trees at
the fitting season, to serve them as food in the
winter-time. Besides the trees whose fruit they
gather for this purpose, they have also a tree
which bears the strangest produce. When they
are met together in companies they throw some
of it upon the fire round which they are sitting,
and presently, by the mere smell of the fumes
which it gives out in burning, they grow
drunk, as the Greeks do with wine. More of
the fruit is then thrown on the fire, and, their
drunkenness increasing, they often jump up
and begin to dance and sing. Such is the ac-
count which I have heard of this people.

The river Araxes, like the Gyndes, which
Cyrus dispersed into three hundred and sixty
channels, has its source in the country of the
Matiemans. It has forty mouths, whereof all,
except one, end in bogs and swamps. These
bogs and swamps are said to be inhabited by a
race of men who feed on raw fish, and clothe
themselves with the skins of seals. The other
mouth of the river flows with a clear course
into the Caspian Sea. 1

203. The Caspian is a sea by itself, having no
connection with any other. The sea frequented
by the Greeks, that beyond the Pillars of Her-
cules, which is called the Atlantic, and also the
Erythraran, are all one and the same sea. But
the Caspian is a distinct sea, lying by itself, in
length fifteen days' voyage with a row-boat, in
breadth, at the broadest part, eight days' voy-
age. Along its western shore runs the chain of
the Caucasus, the most extensive and loftiest
of all mountain-ranges. Many and various are
the tribes by which it is inhabited, most of
whom live entirely on the wild fruits of the
forest. In these forests certain trees are said to
grow, from the leaves of which, pounded and

1 Herodotus appears to have confused together
the information which had reached him concern-
ing two or three distinct streams.

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK i

mixed with water, the inhabitants make a dye,
wherewith they paint upon their clothes the
figures of animals; and the figures so im-
pressed never wash out, but last as though they
had been inwoven in the cloth from the first,
and wear as long as the garment.

204. On the west then, as I have said, the
Caspian Sea is bounded by the range of Cau-
casus. On the east it is followed by a vast plain,
stretching out interminably before the eye, the
greater portion of which is possessed by those
Massagctx, against whom Cyrus was now so
anxious to make an expedition. Many strong
motives weighed with him and urged him on
his birth especially, which seemed some-
thing more than human, and his good fortune
in all his former wars, wherein he had always
found that against what country soever he
turned his arms, it was impossible for that
people to escape.

205. At this time the Massagetae were ruled
by a queen, named Tomyris, who at the death
of her husband, the late king, had mounted the
throne. To her Cyrus sent ambassadors, with
instructions to court her on his part, pretending
that he wished to take her to wite. Tomyris,
however, aware that it was her kingdom, and
not herself, that he courted, forbade the men
to approach. Cyrus, therefore, finding that he
did not advance his designs by this deceit,
marched towards the A raxes, and openly dis-
playing his hostile intentions, set to work to
construct a bridge on which his army might
cross the river, and began building towers upon
the boats which were to be used in the passage.

206. While the Persian leader was occupied
in these labours, Tomyris sent a herald to him,
who said, "King of the Medes, cease to press
this enterprise, for thou canst not know if what
thou art doing will be of real advantage to thee.
Be content to rule in peace thy own kingdom,
and bear to see us reign over the countries that
are ours to govern. As, however, I know thou
wilt not choose to hearken to this counsel, since
there is nothing thou less dcsirest than peace
and quietness, come now, if thou art so might-
ily desirous of meeting the Massageta! in arms,
leave thy useless toil of bridge-making; let us
retire three days' march from the river bank,
and do thou come across with thy soldiers; or,
if thou hkest better to give us battle on thy side
the stream, retire thyself an equal distance."
Cyrus, on this offer, called together the chiefs
of the Persians, and laid the matter before
them, requesting them to advise him what he
should do. All the votes were in favour of his

letting Tomyris cross the stream, and giving
battle on Persian ground.

207. But Croesus the Lydian, who was pres-
ent at the meeting of the chiefs, disapproved
of this advice; he therefore rose, and thus de-
livered his sentiments in opposition to it: "Oh!
my king 1 I promised thee long since, that, as
Jove had given me into thy hands, I would, to
the best of my power, avert impending danger
from thy house. Alas' my own sufferings, by
their very bitterness, have taught me to be
keen-sighted of dangers. If thou deemest thy-
self an immortal, and thine army an army of
immortals, my counsel will doubtless be
thrown away upon thee. But if thou feelest thy-
self to be a man, and a ruler of men, lay this
first to heart, that there is a wheel on which the
affairs of men revolve, and that its movement
forbids the same man to be always fortunate.
Now concerning the matter in hand, my
judgment runs counter to the judgment of
thy other counsellors. For if thou agrcest to
give the enemy entrance into thy country,
consider what risk is run' Lose the battle, and
therewith thy whole kingdom is lost. For as-
suredly, the Massagetae, if they win the fight,
will not return to their homes, but will push
forward against the states of thy empire. Or if
thou gaincst the battle, why, then thou gainest
far less than if thou wert across the stream,
where thou mightcst follow up thy victory. For
against thy loss, if they defeat thee on thine
own ground, must be set theirs in like case. Rout
their army on the other side of the river, and
thou mayest push at once into the heart of their
country. Moreover, were it not disgrace intol-
erable for Cyrus the son of Cambyses to retire
before and yield ground to a woman? My
counsel, therefore, is that we cross the stream,
and pushing forward as far as they shall fall
back, then seek to get the better of them by
stratagem. I am told they are unacquainted
with the good things on which the Persians
live, and have never tasted the great delights of
life. Let us then prepare a feast for them in our
camp; let sheep be slaughtered without stint,
and the winecups be filled full of noble liquor,
and let all manner of dishes be prepared: then
leaving behind us our worst troops, let us fall
back towards the river. Unless I very much
mistake, when they see the good fare set out,
they will forget all else and fall to. Then it
will remain for us to do our parts manfully."

208. Cyrus, when the two plans were thus
placed in contrast before him, changed his
mind, and preferring the advice which Croesus

204-214]

THE HISTORY

had given, returned for answer to Tomyris
that she should retire, and that he would cross
the stream. She therefore retired, as she had en-
gaged; and Cyrus, giving Croesus into the care
of his son Cambyses (whom he had appointed
to succeed him on the throne), with strict
charge to pay him all respect and treat him
well, it the expedition failed of success; and
sending them both back to Persia, crossed the
river with his army.

209. The first night after the passage, as he
slept in the enemy's country, a vision appeared
to him. He seemed to see in his sleep the eldest
of the sons of Hystaspes, with wings upon his
shoulders, shadowing with the one wing Asia,
and Europe with the other. Now Hystaspes,
the son of Arsames, was of the race of the
Achaememdae, and his eldest son, Darius, was
at that time scarce twenty years old; wherefore,
not being of age to go to the wars, he had re-
mained behind in Persia. When Cyrus woke
from his sleep, and turned the vision over in
his mind, it seemed to him no light matter. He %
therefore sent for Hystaspes, and taking him
aside said, "Hystaspes, thy son is discovered to
be plotting against me and my crown. I will
tell thee how I know it so certainly. The gods
watch over my safety, and warn me before-
hand of every danger. Now last night, as I lay
in my bed, I saw in a vision the eldest of thy
sons with wings upon his shoulders, shadow-
ing with the one wing Asia, and Europe with
the other. From this it is certain, beyond all
possible doubt, that he is engaged in some plot
against me. Return thou then at once to Persia,
and be sure, when I come back from conquer-
ing the Massagetz, to have thy son ready to
produce before me, that I may examine him."

210. Thus Cyrus spoke, in the belief that he
was plotted against by Darius; but he missed
the true meaning of the dream, which was sent
by God to forewarn him, that he was to die
then and there, and that his kingdom was to
fall at last to Darius.

Hystaspes made answer to Cyrus in these
words: "Heaven forbid, sire, that there
should be a Persian living who would plot
against thee' If such an one there be, may a
speedy death overtake him! Thou foundest the
Persians a race of slaves, thou hast made them
free men: thou foundest them subject to others,
thou hast made them lords of all. If a vision has
announced that my son is practising against
thee, lo, I resign him into thy hands to deal
with as thou wilt.'* Hystaspes, when he had
thus answered, rccrossed the Araxes and has-

tened back to Persia, to keep a watch on his
son Darius.

211. Meanwhile Cyrus, having advanced a
day's march from the river, did as Croesus had
advised him, and, leaving the worthless por-
tion of his army in the camp, drew off with his
good troops towards the river. Soon after-
wards, a detachment of the Massageta*, one-
third of their entire army, led by Spargapises,
son of the queen Tomyris, coming up, fell
upon the body which had been left behind by
Cyrus, and on their resistance put them to the
sword. Then, seeing the banquet prepared,
they sat down and began to feast. When they
had eaten and drunk their fill, and were now
sunk in sleep, the Persians under Cyrus ar-
rived, slaughtered a great multitude, and made
even a larger number prisoners. Among these
last was Spargapises himself.

212. When Tomyris heard what had befall-
en her son and her army, she sent a herald to
Cyrus, who thus addressed the conqueror:
"Thou bloodthirsty Cyrus, pride not thyself
on this poor success: it was the grape-] nice
which, when ye drink it, makes you so mad,
and as ye swallow it down brings up to your
lips such bold and wicked words it was this
poison wherewith thou didst ensnare my child,
and so overcamcst him, not in fair open fight.
Now hearken what I advise, and be sure I ad-
vise thee for thy good. Restore my son to me
and get thee from the land unharmed, trium-
phant over a third part of the host o( the Mas-
sageta!. Refuse, and I swear by the sun, the sov-
ereign lord of the Massaget.c, bloodthirsty as
thou art, I will give thee thy fill oi blood."

213. To the words of this message Cyrus
paid no manner of regard. As for Spargapises,
the son of the queen, when the wine went ofT,
and he saw the extent of his calamity, he made
request to Cyrus to release him from his bonds;
then, when his prayer was granted, and the
fetters were taken from his limbs, as soon as his
hands were free, he destroyed himself.

214. Tomyris, when she found that Cyrus
paid no heed to her advice, collected all the
forces of her kingdom, and gave him battle.
Of all the combats in which the barbarians
have engaged among themselves, I reckon this
to have been the fiercest. The following, as I
understand, was the manner of it: First, the
two armies stood apart and shot their arrows
at each other; then, when their quivers were
empty, they closed and fought hand-to-hand
with lances and daggers; and thus they con-
tinued fighting for a length of time, neither

HERODOTUS

choosing to give ground. At length the Mas-
sagctae prevailed. The greater part of the army
of the Persians was destroyed and Cyrus him-
self fell, after reigning nine and twenty years.
Search was made among the slam by order of
the queen for the body of Cyrus, and when it
was found she took a skin, and, filling it full
of human blood, she dipped the head of Cyrus
in the gore, saying, as she thus insulted the
corse, "I live and have conquered thee in fight,
and yet by thee am I ruined, for thou tookest
my son with guile; but thus I make good my
threat, and give thee thy fill of blood." Of the
many different accounts which are given of
the death of Cyrus, this which I have followed
appears to me most worthy of credit.

215. In their dress and mode of living the
Massagetae resemble the Scythians. They fight
both on horseback and on foot, neither method
is strange to them: they use bows and lances,
but their favourite weapon is the battle-axe.
Their arms are all either of gold or brass. For
their spear-points, and arrow-heads, and for
their battle-axes, they make use of brass; for
head-gear, belts, and girdles, of gold. So too
with the caparison of their horses, they give

them breastplates of brass, but employ gold
about the reins, the bit, and the cheek-plates.
They use neither iron nor silver, having none
in their country; but they have brass and gold
in abundance.

216. The following are some of their cus-
toms; Each man has but one wife, yet all the
wives are held in common; for this is a custom
of the Massagetae and not of the Scythians, as
the Greeks wrongly say. Human life does not
come to its natural close with this people; but
when a man grows very old, all his kinsfolk
collect together and offer him up in sacrifice;
offering at the same time some cattle also. Af-
ter the sacrifice they boil the flesh and feast on
it; and those who thus end their days are reck-
oned the happiest. If a man dies of disease they
do not eat him, but bury him in the ground, be-
wailing his ill-fortune that he did not come to
be sacrificed. They sow no grain, but live on
their herds, and on fish, of which there is great
plenty in the Araxes. Milk is what they chiefly
"drink. The only god they worship is the sun,
and to him they offer the horse in sacrifice; un-
der the notion of giving to the swiftest of the
gods the swiftest of all mortal creatures.

The Second Book, Entitled
EUTERPE

i. On the death of Cyrus, Cambyses his son by
Cassandane daughter of Pharnaspes took the
kingdom. Cassandane had died in the lifetime
of Cyrus, who had made a great mourning for
her at her death, and had commanded all the
subjects of his empire to observe the like. Cam-
byses, the son of this lady and of Cyrus, regard-
ing the Ionian and ^olian Greeks as vassals of
his father, took them with him m his expedi-
tion against Egypt among the other nations
which owned his sway.

2. Now the Egyptians, before the reign of
their king Psammctichus, believed themselves
to be the most ancient of mankind. Since Psam-
metichus, however, made an attempt to discov-
er who were actually the primitive race, they
have been of opinion that while they surpass
all other nations, the Phrygians surpass them
in antiquity. This king, finding it impossible to
make out by dint of inquiry what men were
the most ancient, contrived the following meth-
od of discovery: He took two children of the
common sort, and gave them over to a herds-
man to bring up at his folds, strictly charging
him to let no one utter a word in their pres-
ence, but to keep them in a sequestered cot-
tage, and from time to time introduce goats to
their apartment, see that they got their fill of
milk, and in all other respects look after them.
His object herein was to know, after the indis-
tinct babblings of infancy were over, what
word they would first articulate. It happened
as he had anticipated. The herdsman obeyed
his orders for two years, and at the end of that
time, on his one day opening the door of their
room and going in, the children both ran up to
him with outstretched arms, and distinctly said
"Becos." When this first happened the herds-
man took no notice; but afterwards when he
observed, on coming often to see after them,
that the word was constantly in their mouths,
he informed his lord, and by his command

brought the children into his presence. Psam-
metichus then himself heard them say the
word, upon which he proceeded to make in-
quiry what people there was who called any-
thing "becos," and hereupon he learnt that
"becos" was the Phrygian name for bread. In
consideration of this circumstance the Egyp-
tians yielded their claims, and admitted the
greater antiquity of the Phrygians.

3. That these were the real facts I learnt at
Memphis from the priests of Vulcan. The
Greeks, among other foolish tales, relate that
Psammetichus had the children brought up by
women whoso tongues he had previously cut
out; but the priests said their bringing up was
such as I have stated above. I got much other
information also from conversation with these
priests while I was at Memphis, and I even
went to Heliopolis and to Thebes, expressly to
try whether the priests of those places would
agree in their accounts with the prices at
Memphis. The Heliopolitans have the reputa-
tion of being the best skilled in history of all
the Egyptians. What they told me concerning
their religion it is not my intention to repeat,
except the names of their deities, which 1 be-
lieve all men know equally. If 1 relate anything
else concerning these matters, it will only be
when compelled to do so by the course of my
narrative.

4. Now with regard to mere human matters,
the accounts which they gave, and in which all
agreed, were the following. The Egyptians,
they said, were the first to discover the solar
year, and to portion out its course into twelve
parts. They obtained this knowledge from the
stars. (To my mind they contrive their year
much more cleverly than the Greeks, for these
last every other year intercalate a whole month,
but the Egyptians, dividing the year into
twelve months of thirty days each, add every
year a space of five days besides, whereby the

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK ii

circuit of the seasons is made to return with
uniformity.) The Egyptians, they went on to
affirm, first brought into use the names of the
twelve gods, which the Greeks adopted from
them; and first erected altars, images, and tem-
ples to the gods; and also first engraved upon
stone the figures of animals. In most of these
cases they proved to me that what they said
was true. And they told me that the first man
who ruled over Egypt was Men, and that in his
time all Egypt, except the Thebaic canton, was
a marsh, none of the land below Lake Moeris
then showing itself above the surface of the
water. This is a distance of seven days' sail
from the sea up the river.

5. What they said of their country seemed
to me very reasonable. For any one who sees
Egypt, without having heard a word about it
before, must perceive, if he has only common
powers of observation, that the Egypt to which
the Greeks go in their ships is an acquired
country, the gift of the river. The same is true
of the land above the lake, to the distance of
three days* voyage, concerning which the
Egyptians say nothing, but which is exactly the
same kind of country.

The following is the general character of the
region. In the first place, on approaching it
by sea, when you are still a day's sail from
the land, if you let down a sounding-line you
will bring up mud, and find yourself in eleven
fathoms* water, which shows that the soil
washed down by the stream extends to that
distance.

6. The length of the country along shore, ac-
cording to the bounds that we assign to Egypt,
namely from the Plinthinetic gulf to Lake Ser-
bonis, which extends along the base of Mount
Casius, is sixty schoenes. The nations whose ter-
ritories are scanty measure them by the fath-
om; those whose bounds are less confined, by
the furlong; those who have an ample territory,
by the parasang; but if men have a country
which is very vast, they measure it by the
scheme. Now the length ot the parasang is thir-
ty furlongs, but the schcrne, which is an Egyp-
tian measure, is sixty furlongs. Thus the coast-
line of Egypt would extend a length of three
thousand six hundred furlongs.

7. From the coast inland as far as Heliopolis
the breadth of Egypt is considerable, the coun-
try is Bat, without springs, and full of swamps.
The length of the route from the sea up to He-
liopolis is almost exactly the same as that of the
road which runs from the altar of the twelve
gods at Athens to the temple of Olympian love

at Pisa. If a person made a calculation he
would find but a very little difference between
the two routes, not more than about fifteen fur-
longs; for the road from Athens to Pisa falls
short of fifteen hundred furlongs by exactly
fifteen, whereas the distance of Heliopolis from
the sea is just the round number.

8. As one proceeds beyond Heliopolis up the
country, Egypt becomes narrow, the Arabian
range of hills, which has a direction from north
to south, shutting it in upon the one side, and
the Libyan range upon the other. The former
ridge runs on without a break, and stretches
away to the sea called the Erythraean; it con-
tains the quarries whence the stone was cut for
the pyramids of Memphis: and this is the point
where it ceases its first direction, and bends
away in the manner above indicated. In its
greatest length from east to west it is, as I have
been informed, a distance of two months' jour-
ney; towards the extreme east its skirts produce
frankincense. Such are the chief features of
this range. On the Libyan side, the other ridge
whereon the pyramids stand is rocky and cov-
ered with sand; its direction is the same as that
of the Arabian ridge in the first part of its
course. Above Heliopolis, then, there is no
great breadth of territory for such a country as
Egypt, but during four days' sail Egypt is nar-
row; the valley between the two ranges is a lev-
el plain, and seemed to me to be, at the narrow-
est point, not more than two hundred furlongs
across from the Arabian to the Libyan hills.
Above this point Egypt again widens.

9. From Heliopolis to Thebes is nine days'
sail up the river; the distance is eighty-one
schoenes, or 4860 furlongs. If we now put to-
gether the several measurements of the country
we shall find that the distance along shore is, as
I stated above, 3600 furlongs, and the distance
from the sea inland to Thebes 6120 furlongs.
Further, it is a distance of eighteen hundred
furlongs from Thebes to the place called Ele-
phantine.

10. The greater portion of the country above
described seemed to me to be, as the priests de-
clared, a tract gained by the inhabitants. For
the whole region above Memphis, lying be-
tween the two ranges of hills that have been
spoken of, appeared evidently to have formed
at one time a gulf of the sea. It resembles (to
compare small things with great) the parts
about Ilium and Teuthrama, Ephesus, and the
plain of the Maeander. In all these regions the
land has been formed by rivers, whereof the
greatest is not to compare for size with any one

THE HISTORY

of the five mouths of the Nile. I could mention
other rivers also, far inferior to the Nile in
magnitude, that have effected very great
changes. Among these not the least is the Ache-
loiis, which, after passing through Acarnania,
empties itself into the sea opposite the islands
called Echinades, and has already joined one-
half of them to the continent.

11. In Arabia, not far from Egypt, there is
a long and narrow gulf running inland from
the sea called the Erythraean, of which I will
here set down the dimensions. Starting from
its innermost recess, and using a row-boat, you
take forty days to reach the open main, while
you may cross the gulf at its widest part in the
space of half a day. In this sea there is an ebb
and flow of the tide every day. My opinion is
that Egypt was formerly very much such a gulf
as this one gulf penetrated from the sea that
washes Egypt on the north, and extended itself
towards Ethiopia; another entered from the
southern ocean, and stretched towards Syria;
the two gulfs ran into the land so as almost to
meet each other, and left between them only a
very narrow tract of country. Now if the Nile
should choose to divert his waters from their
present bed into this Arabian gulf, what is
there to hinder it from being filled up by the
stream within, at the utmost, twenty thousand
years ? For my part, I think it would be filled
in half the time. How then should not a gulf,
even of much greater size, have been filled up
in the ages that passed before I was born, by a
river that is at once so large and so given to
working changes?

12. Thus I give credit to those from whom I
received this account of Egypt, and am myself,
moreover, strongly of the same opinion, since
I remarked that the country projects into the
sea further than the neighbouring shores, and
I observed that there were shells upon the hills,
and that salt exuded from the soil to such an
extent as even to injure the pyramids; and I no-
ticed also that there is but a single hill in ail
Egypt where sand is found, namely, the hill
above Memphis; and further, I found the coun-
try to bear no resemblance either to its border-
land Arabia, or to Libya nay, nor even to Syr-
ia, which forms the seaboard of Arabia; but
whereas the soil of Libya is, we know, sandy
and of a reddish hue, and that of Arabia and
Syria inclines to stone and clay, Egypt has a
soil that is black and crumbly, as being alluvial
and formed of the deposits brought down by
the river from Ethiopia.

13. One fact which I learnt of the priests is

to me a strong evidence of the origin of the
country. They said that when Mceris was king,
the Nile overflowed all Egypt below Memphis,
as soon as it rose so little as eight cubits. Now
Mceris had not been dead 900 years at the time
when I heard this of the priests; yet at the pres-
ent day, unless the river rise sixteen, or, at the
very least, fifteen cubits, it does not overflow
the lands. It seems to me, therefore, that if the
land goes on rising and growing at this rate,
the Egyptians who dwell below Lake Mceris, in
the Delta (as it is called) and elsewhere, will
one day, by the stoppage of the inundations,
suffer permanently the fate which they told me
they expected would some time or other befall
the Greeks. On hearing that the whole land of
Greece is watered by rain from heaven, and
not, like their own, inundated by rivers, they
observed "Some day the Greeks will be disap-
pointed of their grand hope, and then they will
be wretchedly hungry"; which was as much as
to say, "If God shall some day see fit not to
grant the Greeks rain, but shall afflict them
with a long drought, the Greeks will be swept
away by a famine, since they have nothing to
rely on but ram from Jove, and have no other
resource for water."

14. And certes, in thus speaking of the
Greeks the Egyptians say nothing but what is
true. But now let me tell the Egyptians how
the case stands with themselves. If, as I said be-
fore, the country below Memphis, which is the
land that is always rising, continues to increase
in height at the rate at which it has risen in
times gone by, how will it be possible for the
inhabitants of that region to avoid hunger,
when they will certainly have no rain, and the
river will not be able to overflow their corn-
lands? At present, it must be confessed, they
obtain the fruits of the field with less trouble
than any other people in the world, the rest of
the Egyptians included, since they have no
need to break up the ground with the plough,
nor to use the hoe, nor to do any of the work
which the rest of mankind find necessary if
they are to get a crop; but the husbandman
waits till the river has of its own accord spread
itself over the fields and withdrawn again to
its bed, and then sows his plot of ground, and
after sowing turns his swine into it the swine
tread in the corn after which he has only to
await the harvest. The swine serve him also
to thrash the grain, which is then carried to
the garner.

15. If then we choose to adopt the views of
the lonians concerning Egypt, we must come

HERODOTUS

BOOK ii

to the conclusion that the Egyptians had form-
erly no country at all. For the lonians say that
nothing is really Egypt but the Delta, which
extends along shore from the Watch-tower of
Perseus, as it is called, to the Pelusiac Salt-Pans,
a distance of forty schcenes, and stretches in-
land as far as the city of Cercasorus, where the
Nile divides into the two streams which reach
the sea at Pelusium and Canobus respectively.
The rest of what is accounted Egypt belongs,
they say, either to Arabia or Libya. But the
Delta, as the Egyptians affirm, and as I myself
am persuaded, is formed of the deposits of the
river, and has only recently, if I may use the
expression, come to light. If, then, they had
formerly no territory at all, how came they to
be so extravagant as to fancy themselves the
most ancient race in the world? Surely there
was no need of their making the experiment
with the children to see what language they
would first speak. But in truth I do not believe
that the Egyptians came into being at the same
time with the Delta, as the lonians call it; I
think they have always existed ever since the
human race began; as the land went on in-
creasing, part of the population came down
into the new country, part remained in their
old settlements. In ancient times the Thebais
bore the name of Egypt, a district of which the
entire circumference is but 6120 furlongs.

1 6. If, then, my judgment on these matters
be right, the lonians are mistaken in what they
say ofr Egypt. If, on the contrary, it is they who
are right, then I undertake to show that neither
the lonians nor any ot the other Greeks know
how to count. For they all say that the earth is
divided into three parts, Europe, Asia, and
Libya, whereas they ought to add a fourth part,
the Delta of Egypt, since they do not include it
either in Asia or Libya. For is it not their
theory that the Nile separates Asia from Lib-
ya? As the Nile, therefore, splits in two at the
apex of the Delta, the Delta itself must be a
separate country, not contained in either Asia
or Libya.

17. Here I take my leave of the opinions of
the lonians, and proceed to deliver my own
sentiments on these subjects. I consider Egypt
to be the whole country inhabited by the Egyp-
tians, just as Cilicia is the tract occupied by the
Cilicians, and Assyria that possessed by the As-
syrians. And I regard the only proper boun-
dary-line between Libya and Asia to be that
which is marked out by the Egyptian frontier.
For if we take the boundary-line commonly re-
ceived by the Greeks, we must regard Egypt

as divided, along its whole length from Ele-
phantine and the Cataracts to Cercasorus, into
two parts, each belonging to a different por-
tion of the world, one to Asia, the other to Lib-
ya; since the Nile divides Egypt in two from
the Cataracts to the sea, running as far as the
city of Cercasorus in a single stream, but at that
point separating into three branches, whereof
the one which bends eastward is called the Pel-
usiac mouth, and that which slants to the west,
the Canobic. Meanwhile the straight course of
the stream, which comes down from the upper
country and meets the apex of the Delta, con-
tinues on, dividing the Delta down the middle,
and empties itself into the sea by a mouth,
which is as celebrated, and carries as large a
body of water, as most of the others, the mouth
called the Sebennytic. Besides these there are
two other mouths which run out of the Seben-
nytic called respectively the Saitic and the Men-
dcsian. The Bolbitme mouth, and the Bucolic,
are not natural branches, but channels made by
excavation.

18. My judgment as to the extent of Egypt
is confirmed by an oracle delivered at the
shrmc of Ammon, of which I had no knowl-
edge at all until after I had formed my opin-
ion. It happened that the people of the cities
Marea and Apis, who live in the part of Egypt
that borders on Libya, took a dislike to the re-
ligious usages of the country concerning sac-
rificial animals, and wished no longer to be re-
stricted rrom eating the flesh of cows. So, as
they believed themselves to be Libyans and not
Egyptians, they sent to the shrine to say that,
having nothing in common with the Egyp-
tians, neither inhabiting the Delta nor using
the Egyptian tongue, they claimed to be al-
lowed to eat whatever they pleased. Their re-
quest, however, was refused by the god, who
declared in reply that Egypt was the entire
tract of country which the Nile overspreads
and irrigates, and the Egyptians were the peo-
ple who lived below Elephantine, and drank
the waters of that river.

19. So said the oracle. Now the Nile, when
it overflows, floods not only the Delta, but also
the tracts of country on both sides the stream
which are thought to belong to Libya and Ara-
bia, in some places reaching to the extent of
two days' journey from its banks, in some even
exceeding that distance, but in others falling
short of it.

Concerning the nature of the river, I was not
able to gain any information either from the
priests or from others. I was particularly anx-

16-25]

ious to learn from them why the Nile, at the
commencement of the summer solstice, begins
to rise, and continues to increase for a hundred
days and why, as soon as that number is past,
it forthwith retires and contracts its stream,
continuing low during the whole of the winter
until the summer solstice comes round again.
On none of these points could I obtain any ex-
planation from the inhabitants, though I made
every inquiry, wishing to know what was com-
monly reported they could neither tell me
what special virtue the Nile has which makes
it so opposite in its nature to all other streams,
nor why, unlike every other river, it gives forth
no breezes from its surface.

20. Some of the Greeks, however, wishing
to get a reputation for cleverness, have offered
explanations of the phenomena of the river,
for which they have accounted in three differ-
ent ways. Two of these I do not think it worth
while to speak of, further than simply to men-
tion what they are. One pretends that the Ete-
sian winds cause the rise of the river by pre-
venting the Nile- water from running off into
the sea. But in the first place it has often hap-
pened, when the Etesian winds did not blow,
that the Nile has risen according to its usual
wont; and further, if the Etesian winds pro-
duced the effect, the other rivers which flow in
a direction opposite to those winds ought to
present the same phenomena as the Nile, and
the more so as they are all smaller streams, and
have a weaker current. But these rivers, of
which there are many both in Syria and Libya,
are entirely unlike the Nile in this respect.

21. The second opinion is even more unsci-
entific than the one just mentioned, and also,
if I may so say, more marvellous. It is that the
Nile acts so strangely, because it flows from the
ocean, and that the ocean flows all round the
earth.

22. The third explanation, which is very
much more plausible than either of the others,
is positively the furthest from the truth; for
there is really nothing in what it says, any more
than in the other theories. It is, that the inun-
dation of the Nile is caused by the melting of
snows. 1 Now, as the Nile flows out of Libya,
through Ethiopia, into Egypt, how is it possible
that it can be formed of melted snow, running,

1 Herodotus is wrong in supposing snow could
not be found on mountains in the hot climate of
Africa; perpetual snow is not confined to certain
latitudes; and ancient and modern discoveries
prove that it is found in the ranges S. of Abys-
sinia.

THE HISTORY

as it docs, from the hottest regions of the world
into cooler countries? Many are the proofs
whereby any one capable of reasoning on the
subject may be convinced that it is most un-
likely this should be the case. The first and
strongest argument is furnished by the winds,
which always blow hot from these regions. The
second is that rain and frost are unknown
there. 2 Now whenever snow falls, it must of
necessity rain within five days; so that, if there
were snow, there must be rain also in those
parts. Thirdly, it is certain that the natives of
the country are black with the heat, that the
kites and the swallows remain there the whole
year, and that the cranes, when they fly from
the rigours of a Scythian winter, flock thither
to pass the cold season. If then, in the country
whence the Nile has its source, or in that
through which it flows, there fell ever so little
snow, it is absolutely impossible that any of
these circumstances could take place.

23. As for the writer 3 who attributes the
phenomenon to the ocean, his account is in-
volved in such obscurity that it is impossible
to disprove it by argument. For my part I
know of no river called Ocean, and I think that
Homer, or one of the earlier poets, invented the
name, and introduced it into his poetry.

24. Perhaps, after censuring all the opinions
that have been put forward on this obscure sub-
ject, one ought to propose some theory of one's
own. I will therefore proceed to explain what
I think to be the reason of the Nile's swelling
in the summer time. During the winter, the
sun is driven out of his usual course by the
storms, and removes to the upper parts of Lib-
ya. This is the whole secret in the fewest possi-
ble words; for it stands to reason that the coun-
try to which the Sun-god approaches the near-
est, and which he passes most directly over,
will be scantest of water, and that there the
streams which feed the rivers will shrink the
most.

25. To explain, however, more at length, the
case is this. The sun, in his passage across the
upper parts of Libya, affects them in the fol-
lowing way. As the air in those regions is con-
stantly clear, and the country warm through
the absence of cold winds, the sun in his
passage across them acts upon them exact-
ly as he is wont to act elsewhere in summer,
when his path is in the middle of heaven that

2 Herodotus was not aware of the rainy season
in Sennar and the S.S.W. of Abyssinia, nor did he
know of the Abyssinian snow.

3 Hecafeeus.

HERODOTUS

[BOOK ii

is, he attracts the water. After attracting it, he
again repels it into the upper regions, where
the winds lay hold of it, scatter it, and reduce
it to a vapour, whence it naturally enough
comes to pass that the winds which blow from
this quarter the south and south-west are of
all winds the most rainy. And my own opinion
is that the sun does not get rid of all the water
which he draws year by year from the Nile,
but retains some about him. When the winter
begins to soften, the sun goes back again to his
old place in the middle of the heaven, and pro-
ceeds to attract water equally from all coun-
tries. Till then the other rivers run big, from
the quantity of rain-water which they bring
down from countries where so much moisture
falls that all the land is cut into gullies; but in
summer, when the showers fail, and the sun at-
tracts their water, they become low. The Nile,
on the contrary, not deriving any of its bulk
Irom rains, and being in winter subject to the
attraction of the sun, naturally runs at that sea-
son, unlike all other streams, with a less bur-
then oi water than in the summer time. For in
summer it is exposed to attraction equally with
all other rivers, but in winter it suffers alone.
The sun, therefore, I regard as the sole cause
oi the phenomenon.

26. It is the sun also, in my opinion, which,
by heating the space through which it passes,
makes the air in Egypt so dry. There is thus
fKTpctual summer in the upper parts of Libya.
Were the position of the heavenly regions re-
versed, so that the place where now the north
wind and the winter have their dwelling be-
came the station of the south wind and of the
noon-day, while, on the other hand, the sta-
tion ot the south wind became that of the
north, the consequence would be that the sun,
driven from the mid-heaven by the winter and
the northern gales, would betake himself to
the upper parts of Europe, as he now does to
those of Libya, and then I believe his passage
across Europe would affect the Istcr exactly as
the Nile is affected at the present day.

27. And with respect to the fact that no
brcc/c blows from the Nile, I am of opinion
that no wind is likely to arise in very hot coun-
tries, for breezes love to blow from some cold
quarter.

28. Let us leave these things, however, to
their natural course, to continue as they are and
ha\e been from the beginning. With regard to
the sow ccs of the Nile, I have found no one
among all those with whom I have conversed,
\\ hethcr Egyptians, Libyans, or Greeks, who

professed to have any knowledge, except a sin-
gle person. He was the scribe who kept the reg-
ister of the sacred treasures of Minerva in the
city of Sais, and he did not seem to me to be in
earnest when he said that he knew them per-
fectly well. His story was as follows: "Be-
tween Syene, a city of the Thebais, and Ele-
phantine, there are" (he said) "two hills with
sharp conical tops; the name of the one is Cro-
phi, of the other, Mophi. Midway between
them are the fountains of the Nile, fountains
which it is impossible to fathom. Half the
water runs northward into Egypt, half to the
south towards Ethiopia." The fountains were
known to be unfathomable, he declared, be-
cause Psammctichus, an Egyptian king, had
made trial of them. He had caused a rope to be
made, many thousand fathoms in length, and
had sounded the fountain with it, but could
find no bottom. By this the scribe gave me to
understand, if there was any truth at all in
what he said, that in this fountain there are
certain strong eddies, and a regurgitation, ow-
ing to the force wherewith the water dashes
against the mountains, and hence a sounding-
line cannot be got to reach the bottom of the
spring.

29. No other information on this head could
I obtain from any quarter. All that I succeeded
in learning further of the more distant por-
tions of: the Nile, by ascending myself as high
as Elephantine, and making inquiries concern-
ing the parts beyond, was the following: As
one advances beyond Elephantine, the land
rises. Hence it is necessary in this part of the
river to attach a rope to the boat on each side,
as men harness an ox, and so proceed on the
journey. If the rope snaps, the vessel is borne
away down stream by the force of the current.
The navigation continues the same for four
days, the river winding greatly, like the Ma-an-
dcr, and the distance traversed amounting to
twelve schocnes. Here you come upon a smooth
and level plain, where the Nile flows in two
branches, round an island called Tachompso.
The country above Elephantine is inhabited by
the Ethiopians, who possess one-half of this
island, the Egyptians occupying the other.
Above the island there is a great lake, the
shores of which are inhabited by Ethiopian no-
mads; after passing it, you come again to the
stream of the Nile, which runs into the lake.
Here you land, and travel for forty days along
the banks of the river, since it is impossible to
proceed further in a boat on account of the
sharp peaks which jut out from the water, and

26- 3 2]

the sunken rocks which abound in that part of
the stream. When you have passed this portion
of the river in the space of torty days, you go
on board another boat and proceed by water
for twelve days more, at the end of which time
you reach a great city called Meroe, which is
said to be the capital of the other Ethiopians.
The only gods worshipped by the inhabitants
are Jupiter and Bacchus, to whom great hon-
ours are paid. There is an oracle of Jupiter in
the city, which directs the warlike expeditions
of the Ethiopians; when it commands they go
to war, and in whatever direction it bids them
march, thither straightway they carry their
arms.

30. On leaving this city, and again mount-
ing the stream, in the same space of time which
it took you to reach the capital from Elephan-
tine, you come to the Deserters, who bear the
name of Asmach. This word, translated into
our language, means "the men who stand on
the left hand of the king." These Deserters are
Egyptians of the warrior caste, who, to the
number of two hundred and forty thousand,
went over to the Ethiopians in the reign of
king Psammetichus. The cause of their deser-
tion was the following: Three garrisons were
maintained in Egypt at that time, one in the
city of Elephantine against the Ethiopians, an-
other in the Pclusiac Daphnx, against the Syri-
ans and Arabians, and a third, against the Lib-
yans, in Marea. (The very same posts are to this
day occupied by the Persians, whose forces are
in garrison both in Daphnx and in Elephan-
tine.) Now it happened, that on one occasion
the garrisons were not relieved during the
space of three years; the soldiers, therefore, at
the end of that time, consulted together, and
having determined by common consent to re-
volt, marched away towards Ethiopia. Psam-
metichus, informed of the movement, set out
in pursuit, and coming up with them, besought
them with many words not to desert the gods
of their country, nor abandon their wives and
children. "Nay, but," said one of the deserters
with an unseemly gesture, "wherever we go,
we are sure enough of finding wives and chil-
dren." Arrived in Ethiopia, they placed them-
selves at the disposal of the king. In return, he
made them a present of a tract of land which
belonged to certain Ethiopians with whom he
was at feud, bidding them expel the inhabitants
and take possession of their territory. From
the time that this settlement was formed, their
acquaintance with Egyptian manners has tend-
ed to civilise the Ethiopians.

THE HISTORY

31. Thus the course of the Nile is known,
not only throughout Egypt, but to the extent
of four months' journey cither by land or water
above the Egyptian boundary; for on calcula-
tion it will be found that it takes that length of
time to travel from Elephantine to the country
of the Deserters. There the direction of the riv-
er is from west to east. Beyond, no one has any
certain knowledge of its course, since the coun-
try is uninhabited by reason of the excessive heat.

32. I did hear, indeed, what I will now re-
late, from certain natives of Gyrene. Once upon
a time, they said, they were on a visit to the
oracular shrine of Ammon, when it chanced
that in the course of conversation with Etear-
chus, the Arnmoman king, the talk fell upon
the Nile, how that its sources were unknown to
all men. Etearchus upon this mentioned that
some Nasamomans had once come to his court,
and when asked if they could give any infor-
mation concerning the uninhabited parts of
Libya, had told the following tale. (The Nasa-
monians are a Libyan race who occupy the Syr-
tis, and a tract of no great size towards the
east.) They said there had grown up among
them some wild young men, the sons of cer-
tain chiefs, who, when they came to man's es-
tate, indulged in all manner of extravagancies,
and among other things drew lots for five of
their number to go and explore the desert parts
of Libya, and try if they could not penetrate
further than any had done previously. The
coast of Libya along the sea which washes it to
the north, throughout its entire length from
Egypt to Cape Solocis, 1 which is its furthest
point, is inhabited by Libyans of many distinct
tribes who possess the whole tract except cer-
tain portions which belong to the Phoenicians
and the Greeks. Above the coast-line and the
country inhabited by the maritime tribes, Libya
is full of wild beasts; while beyond the wild
beast region there is a tract which is wholly
sand, very scant of water, and utterly and en-
tirely a desert. The young men therefore, des-
patched on this errand by their comrades with
a plentiful supply of water and provisions,
travelled at first through the inhabited region,
passing which they came to the wild beast tract,
whence they finally entered upon the desert,
which they proceeded to cross in a direction
from east to west. After journeying for many
days over a wide extent of sand, they came at
last to a plain where they observed trees grow-
ing; approaching them, and seeing fruit on

1 Cape Spartcl, near Tangier.

HERODOTUS

[BOOK ii

them, they proceeded to gather it. While they
were thus engaged, there came upon them
some dwarfish men, under the middle height,
who seized them and carried them ofl. The
Nasamomans could not understand a word of
their language, nor had they any acquaintance
with the language of the Nasamomans. They
were led across extensive marshes, and finally
came to a town, where all the men were of the
height of their conductors, and black-complex-
ioned. A great river flowed by the town, running
from west to east, and containing crocodiles.

33. Here let me dismiss Etearchus the Am-
monian, and his story, only adding that (ac-
cording to the Cyrenacans) he declared that the
Nasamomans got safe back to their country,
and that the men whose city they had reached
were a nation of sorcerers. With respect to the
river which ran by their town, Etearchus con-
jectured it to be the Nile; and reason favours
that view. For the Nile certainly flows out of
Libya, dividing it down the middle, and as I
conceive, judging the unknown from the
known, rises at the same distance from its
mouth as the Ister. This latter river has its
source in the country of the Celts near the city
Pyrene, and runs through the middle of Eu-
rope, dividing it into two portions. The Celts
live beyond the pillars of Hercules, and border
on the Cynesians, who dwell at the extreme
west of Europe. Thus the Ister flows through
the whole of Europe before it finally empties
itself into the Euxine at Istria, one of the col-
onies of the Milesians.

34. Now as this river flows through regions
that are inhabited, its course is perfectly well
known; but of the sources of the Nile no one
can give any account, since Libya, the country
through which it passes, is desert and without
inhabitants. As far as it was possible to get in-
formation by inquiry, I have given a descrip-
tion of the stream. It enters Egypt from the
parts beyond. Egypt lies almost exactly oppo-
site the mountainous portion of Cihcia, whence
a lightly-equipped traveller may reach Sinop
on the Euxine in five days by the direct route.
Sinope lies opposite the place where the Ister
falls into the sea. 1 My opinion therefore is that
the Nile, as it traverses the whole of Libya, is
of equal length with the Ister. And here I take
my leave of this subject.

'This of course is neither true, nor near the
truth; and it is difficult to make out in what sense
Herodotus meant to assert it. Perhaps he attached
no very distinct geographical meaning to the word
"opposite."

35. Concerning Egypt itself I shall extend
my remarks to a great length, because there is
no country that possesses so many wonders, nor
any that has such a number of works which
defy description. Not only is the climate differ-
ent from that of the rest of the world, and the
rivers unlike any other rivers, but the people
also, in most of their manners and customs,
exactly reverse the common practice of man-
kind. The women attend the markets and
trade, while the men sit at home at the loom;
and here, while the rest of the world works the
woof up the warp, the Egyptians work it
down; the women likewise carry burthens
upon their shoulders, while the men carry them
upon their heads. They eat their food out of
doors in the streets, but retire for private pur-
poses to their houses, giving as a reason that
what is unseemly, but necessary, ought to be
done in secret, but what has nothing unseemly
about it, should be done openly. A woman
cannot serve the priestly office, either for god or
goddess, but men are priests to both; sons need
not support their parents unless they choose,
but daughters must, whether they choose or no.

36. In other countries the priests have long
hair, in Egypt their heads are shaven; else-
where it is customary, in mourning, for near
relations to cut their hair close: the Egyptians,
who wear no hair at any other time, when they
lose a relative, let their beards and the hair of
their heads grow long. All other men pass their
lives separate from animals, the Egyptians have
animals always living with them; others make
barley and wheat their food; it is a disgrace to
do so in Egypt, 2 where the grain they live on is
spelt, which some call zea. Dough they knead
with their feet; but they mix mud, and even
take up dirt, with their hands. They are the
only people in the world they at least, and
such as have learnt the practice from them
who use circumcision. Their men wear two
garments apiece, their women but one. They
put on the rings and fasten the ropes to sails
inside; others put them outside. When they
write or calculate, instead of going, like the
Greeks, from left to right, they move their
hand from right to left; and they insist, not-
withstanding, that it is they who go to the
right, and the Greeks who go to the left. They
have two quite different kinds of writing, one
of which is called sacred, the other common.

37. They are religious to excess, far beyond
any other race of men, and use the following
ceremonies: They drink out of brazen cups,

2 This statement is contrary to fact

33-40

THE HISTORY

which they scour every day: there is no excep-
tion to this practice. They wear linen garments,
which they are specially careful to have always
fresh washed. They practise circumcision for
the sake of cleanliness, considering it better to
be cleanly than comely. The priests shave their
whole body every other day, that no lice or
other impure thing may adhere to them when
they are engaged in the service of the gods.
Their dress is entirely of linen, and their shoes
of the papyrus plant: it is not lawful for them
to wear either dress or shoes of any other ma-
terial. They bathe twice every day in cold wa-
ter, and twice each night; besides which they
observe, so to speak, thousands of ceremonies.
They enjoy, however, not a few advantages.
They consume none of their own property, and
are at no expense for anything; but every day
bread is baked for them of the sacred corn, and
a plentiful supply of beef and of goose's flesh
is assigned to each, and also a portion of wine
made from the grape. Fish they are not allowed
to eat; and beans which none of the Egyp-
tians ever sow, or eat, if they come up of their
own accord, cither raw or boiled the priests
will not even endure to look on, since they con-
sider it an unclean kind of pulse. Instead of a
single priest, each god has the attendance of a
college, at the head of which is a chief priest;
when one of these dies, his son is appointed in
his room.

38. Male kine are reckoned to belong to Ep-
aphus, and are therefore tested in the following
manner: One of the priests appointed for the
purpose searches to see if there is a single black
hair on the whole body, since in that case the
beast is unclean. He examines him all over,
standing on his legs, and again laid upon his
back; after which he takes the tongue out of
his mouth, to see if it be clean in respect of the
prescribed marks (what they are I will men-
tion elsewhere); he also inspects the hairs of
the tail, to observe if they grow naturally. If
the animal is pronounced clean in all these var-
ious points, the priest marks him by twisting a
piece of papyrus round his horns, and attach-
ing thereto some sealing-clay, which he then
stamps with his own signet-ring. After this the
beast is led away; and it is forbidden, under the
penalty of death, to sacrifice an animal which
has not been marked in this way.

39. The following is their manner of sacri-
fice: They lead the victim, marked with their
signet, to the altar where they are about to
offer it, and setting the wood alight, pour a
libation of wine upon the altar in front of the

victim, and at the same time invoke the god.
Then they slay the animal, and cutting off his
head, proceed to flay the body. Next they take
the head, and heaping imprecations on it, if
there is a market-place and a body of Greek
traders in the city, they carry it there and sell it
instantly; if, however, there are no Greeks
among them, they throw the head into the riv-
er. The imprecation is to this effect: They
pray that if any evil is impending either over
those who sacrifice, or over universal Egypt, it
may be made to fall upon that head. These
practices, the imprecations upon the heads, and
the libations of wine, prevail all over Egypt,
and extend to victims of all sorts; and hence
the Egyptians will never eat the head of any an-
imal.

40. The disembowelling and burning are,
however, different in different sacrifices. I will
mention the mode in use with respect to the
goddess whom they regard as the greatest, and
honour with the chiefest festival. When they
have flayed their steer they pray, and when
their prayer is ended they take the paunch of
the animal out entire, leaving the intestines
and the fat inside the body; they then cut off
the legs, the ends of the loins, the shoulders,
and the neck; and having so done, they fill the
body of the steer with clean bread, honey, rai-
sins, figs, frankincense, myrrh, and other aro-
matics. Thus filled, they burn the body, pour-
ing over it great quantities of oil. Before offer-
ing the sacrifice they fast, and while the bodies
of the victims are being consumed they beat
themselves. Afterwards, when they have con-
cluded this part of the ceremony, they have the
other parts of the victim served up to them for
a repast.

41. The male kine, therefore, if clean, and
the male calves, are used for sacrifice by the
Egyptians universally; but the females they are
not allowed to sacrifice, since they are sacred to
Isis. The statue of this goddess has the form of
a woman but with horns like a cow, resembling
thus the Greek representations of lo; and the
Egyptians, one and all, venerate cows much
more highly than any other animal. This is the
reason why no native of Egypt, whether man
or woman, will give a Greek a kiss, or use the
knife of a Greek, or his spit, or his cauldron, or
taste the flesh of an ox, known to be pure, if it
has been cut with a Greek knife. When kine
die, the following is the manner of their sepul-
ture: The females are thrown into the river;
the males are buried in the suburbs of the
towns, with one or both of their horns appear-

HERODOTUS

[BOOK ii

ing above the surface of the ground to mark the
place. When the bodies are decayed, a boat
comes, at an appointed time, from the island
called Prosopitis, which is a portion of the
Delta, nine schcenes in circumference, and
calls at the several cities in turn to collect the
bones of the oxen. Prosopitis is a district con-
taining several cities; the name of that from
which the boats come is Atarbechis. Venus has
a temple there of much sanctity. Great num-
bers of men go forth from this city and proceed
to the other towns, where they dig up the
bones, which they take away with them and
bury together in one place. The same practice
prevails with respect to the interment of all
other cattle the law so determining; they do
not slaughter any of them.

42. Such Egyptians as possess a temple of
the Theban Jove, or live in the Thebaic canton,
offer no sheep in sacrifice, but only goats; for
the Egyptians do not all worship the same
gods, excepting Isis and Osiris, the latter of
whom they say is the Grecian Bacchus. Those,
on the contrary, who possess a temple dedicat-
ed to Mendes, or belong to the Mendesian can-
ton, abstain from offering goats, and sacrifice
sheep instead. The Thebans, and such as imi-
tate them in their practice, give the following
account of the origin of the custom: "Her-
cules," they say, "wished of all things to see
Jove, but Jove did not choose to be seen of him.
At length, when Hercules persisted, Jove hit on
a device to flay a ram, and, cutting off his
head, hold the head before him, and cover him-
self with the fleece. In this guise he showed
himself to Hercules." Therefore the Egyptians
give their statues of Jupiter the face of a ram:
and from them the practice has passed to the
Ammonians, who are a joint colony of Egyp-
tians and Ethiopians, speaking a language be-
tween the two; hence also, in my opinion, the
latter people took their name of Ammonians,
since the Egyptian name for Jupiter is Amun.
Such, then, is the reason why the Thebans do
not sacrifice rams, but consider them sacred an-
imals. Upon one day in the year, however, at
the festival of Jupiter, they slay a single ram,
and stripping off the fleece, cover with it the
statue of that god, as he once covered himself,
and then bring up to the statue of Jove an im-
age of Hercules. When this has been done, the
whole assembly beat their breasts in mourning
for the ram, and afterwards bury him in a holy
sepulchre.

43. The account which I received of this
Hercules makes him one of the twelve gods. Of

the other Hercules, with whom the Greeks are
familiar, I could hear nothing in any part of
Egypt. That the Greeks, however (those I
mean who gave the son of Amphitryon that
name), took the name 1 from the Egyptians,
and not the Egyptians from the Greeks, is I
think clearly proved, among other arguments,
by the fact that both the parents of Hercules,
Amphitryon as well as Alcmena, were of Egyp-
tian origin. Again, the Egyptians disclaim all
knowledge of the names of Neptune and the
Dioscuri, and do not include them in the num-
ber of their gods; but had they adopted the
name of any god from the Greeks, these would
have been the likeliest to obtain notice, since
the Egyptians, as I am well convinced, prac-
tised navigation at that time, and the Greeks
also were some of them mariners, so that they
would have been more likely to know the
names of these gods than that of Hercules. But
the Egyptian Hercules is one of their ancient
gods. Seventeen thousand years before the
reign of Amasis, the twelve gods were, they
affirm, produced from the eight: and of these
twelve, Hercules is one.

44. In the wish to get the best information
that I could on these matters, I made a voyage
to Tyre in Phoenicia, hearing there was a tem-
ple of Hercules at that place, very highly ven-
erated. I visited the temple, and found it richly
adorned with a number of offerings, among
which were two pillars, one of pure gold, the
other of emerald, shining with great brilliancy
at night. In a conversation which 1 held with
the priests, I inquired how long their temple
had been built, and found by their answer that
they, too, differed from the Greeks. They said
that the temple was built at the same time that
the city was founded, and that the foundation
of the city took place two thousand three hun-
dred years ago. In Tyre I remarked another
temple where the same god was worshipped as
the Thasian Hercules. So I went on to Thasos,
where I found a temple of Hercules which had
been built by the Phoenicians who colonised
that island when they sailed in search of Eu-
ropa. Even this was five generations earlier
than the time when Hercules, son of Amphi-
tryon, was born in Greece. These researches
show plainly that there is an ancient god Her-
cules; and my own opinion is that those
Greeks act most wisely who build and main-
tain two temples of Hercules, in the one of

1 It is scarcely necessary to say that no Egyptian
god has a name from which that of Hercules can
by any possibility have been formed.

42-49]

THE HISTORY

which the Hercules worshipped is known by
the name of Olympian, and has sacrifice of-
fered to him as an immortal, while in the other
the honours paid are such as are due to a hero.

45. The Greeks tell many tales without due
investigation, and among them the following
silly fable respecting Hercules: "Hercules,"
they say, "went once to Egypt, and there the
inhabitants took him, and putting a chaplet on
his head, led him out in solemn procession, in-
tending to offer him a sacrifice to Jupiter. For
a while he submitted quietly; but when they
led him up to the altar and began the ceremon-
ies, he put forth his strength and slew them
all.'* Now to me it seems that such a story
proves the Greeks to be utterly ignorant of the
character and customs of the people. The
Egyptians do not think it allowable even to sac-
rifice cattle, excepting sheep, and the male kine
and calves, provided they be pure, and also
geese. How, then, can it be believed that they
would sacrifice men? And again, how would
it have been possible for Hercules alone, and,
as they confess, a mere mortal, to destroy so
many thousands? In saying thus much con-
cerning these matters, may I incur no displeas-
ure either of god or hero!

46. I mentioned above that some of the
Egyptians abstain from sacrificing goats, either
male or female. The reason is the following:
These Egyptians, who are the Mendesians, con-
sider Pan to be one of the eight gods who ex-
isted before the twelve, and Pan is represented
in Egypt by the painters and the sculptors, just
as he is in Greece, with the face and legs of a
goat. They do not, however, believe this to be
his shape, or consider him in any respect unlike
the other gods; but they represent him thus for
a reason which I prefer not to relate. The Men-
desians hold all goats in veneration, but the
male more than the female, giving the goat-
herds of the males especial honour. One is ven-
erated more highly than all the rest, and when
he dies there is a great mourning throughout
all the Mendesian canton. In Egyptian, the goat
and Pan are both called Mendes.

47. The pig is regarded among them as an un-
clean animal, so much so that if a man in passing
accidentally touch a pig, he instantly hurries to
the river,and plunges in with all his clothes on.
Hence, too, the swineherds, notwithstanding
that they are of pure Egyptian blood, are for-
bidden to enter into any of the temples, which
are open to all other Egyptians; and further, no
one will give his daughter in marriage to a
swineherd, or take a wife from among them,

so that the swineherds are forced to intermarry
among themselves. They do not offer swine in
sacrifice to any of their gods, excepting Bacchus
and the Moon, whom they honour in this way
at the same time, sacrificing pigs to both of
them at the same full moon, and afterwards
eating of the flesh. There is a reason alleged by
them for their detestation of swine at all other
seasons, and their use of them at this festival,
with which I am well acquainted, but which I
do not think it proper to mention. The follow-
ing is the mode in which they sacrifice the
swine to the Moon: As soon as the victim is
slain, the tip of the tail, the spleen, and the caul
are put together, and having been covered with
all the fat that has been tound in the animal's
belly, are straightway burnt. The remainder of
the flesh is eaten on the same day that the sacri-
fice is offered, which is the day of the full
moon: at any other time they would not so
much as taste it. The poorer sort, who cannot
afford live pigs, form pigs of dough, which
they bake and offer in sacrifice.

48. To Bacchus, on the eve of his feast, every
Egyptian sacrifices a hog before the door of his
house, which is then given back to the swine-
herd by whom it was furnished, and by him
carried away. In other respects the festival is
celebrated almost exactly as Bacchic festivals
are in Greece, excepting that the Egyptians
have no choral dances. They also use instead of
phalli another invention, consisting of images
a cubit high, pulled by strings, which the wo-
men carry round to the villages. A piper goes
in front, and the women follow, singing hymns
in honour of Bacchus. They give a religious
reason for the peculiarities of the image.

49. Melampus, the son of Amytheon, cannot
(I think) have been ignorant of this ceremony
nay, he must, I should conceive, have been
well acquainted with it. He it was who intro-
duced into Greece the name of Bacchus, the
ceremonial of his worship, and the procession
of the phallus. He did not, however, so com-
pletely apprehend the whole doctrine as to be
able to communicate it entirely, but various
sages since his time have carried out his teach-
ing to greater perfection. Still it is certain that
Melampus introduced the phallus, and that the
Greeks learnt from him the ceremonies which
they now practise. I therefore maintain that
Melampus, who was a wise man, and had ac-
quired the art of divination, having become
acquainted with the worship of Bacchus
through knowledge derived from Egypt, intro-
duced it into Greece, with a few slight changes,

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK ii

at the same time that he brought in various
other practices. For I can by no means allow
that it is by mere coincidence that the Bacchic
ceremonies in Greece are so nearly the same as
the Egyptian they would then have been
more Greek in their character, and less recent
in their origin. Much less can I admit that the
Egyptians borrowed these customs, or any oth-
er, from the Greeks. My belief is that Melam-
pus got his knowledge of them from Cadmus
the Tyrian, and the followers whom he
brought from Phoenicia into the country which
is now called Bccotia.

50. Almost all the names of the gods came
into Greece from Egypt. My inquiries prove
that they were all derived from a foreign
source, and rny opinion is that Egypt furnished
the greater number. For with the exception of
Neptune and the Dioscuri, whom I mentioned
above, and Juno, Vesta, Themis, the Graces,
and the Nereids, the other gods have been
known from lime immemorial in Egypt. This
I assert on the authority of the Egyptians them-
selves. The gods, with whose names they pro-
fess themselves unacquainted, the Greeks re-
ceived, I believe, irom the Pclasgi, except Nep-
tune. Of him they got their knowledge from
the Libyans, by whom he has been always hon-
oured, and who were anciently the only people
that had a god of the name. The Egyptians
differ from the Greeks also in paying no divine
honours to heroes.

5 1 . Besides these which have been here men-
tioned, there are many other practices whereof
I shall speak hereafter, which the Greeks have
borrowed from Egypt. The peculiarity, how-
ever, which they observe in their statues of
Mercury they did not derive from the Egyp-
tians, but from the Pelasgi; from them the
Athenians first adopted it, and afterwards it
passed from the Athenians to the other Greeks.
For just at the time when the Athenians were
entering into the Hellenic body, the Pclasgi
came to live with them in their country,
whence it was that the latter came first to be
regarded as Greeks. Whoever has been init-
iated into the mysteries of the Cabiri will un-
derstand what I mean. The Samothracians re-
ceived these mysteries from the Pelasgi, who,
before they went to live in Attica, were dwell-
ers in Samothrace, and imparted their religious
ceremonies to the inhabitants. The Athenians,
then, who were the first of all the Greeks to
make their statues of Mercury in this way,
learnt the practice from the Pelasgians; and by
this people a religious account of the matter is

given, which is explained in the Samothracian
mysteries.

52. In early times the Pelasgi, as I know by
information which I got at Dodona, offered
sacrifices of all kinds, and prayed to the gods,
but had no distinct names or appellations for
them, since they had never heard of any. They
called them gods ( Oeoi y disposers), because
they had disposed and arranged all things in such
a beautiful order. After a long lapse of time the
names of the gods came to Greece from Egypt,
and the Pelasgi learnt them, only as yet they
knew nothing of Bacchus, of whom they first
heard at a much later date. Not long after the
arrival of the names they sent to consult the
oracle at Dodona about them. This is the most
ancient oracle in Greece, and at that time there
was no other. To their question, "Whether
they should adopt the names that had been im-
ported from the foreigners?" the oracle replied
by recommending their use. Thenceforth m
their sacrifices the Pelasgi made use of the
names of the gods, and from them the names
passed afterwards to the Greeks.

53. Whence the gods severally sprang,
whether or no they had all existed from eterni-
ty, what forms they bore these are questions
of which the Greeks knew nothing until the
other day, so to speak. For Homer and Hesiod
were the first to compose Thcogonies, and give
the gods their epithets, to allot them their sever-
al offices and occupations, and describe their
forms; and they lived but four hundred years
before my time, as I believe. As for the poets
who arc thought by some to be earlier than
these, they are, in my judgment, decidedly later
writers. In these matters I have the authority of
the priestesses of Dodona for the former por-
tion of my statements; what I have said of Ho-
mer and Hesiod is my own opinion.

54. The following tale is commonly told in
Egypt concerning the oracle of Dodona in
Greece, and that of Ammon in Libya. My in-
formants on the point were the priests of Ju-
pitcr at Thebes. They said "that two of the
sacred women were once carried off from
Thebes by the Phoenicians, and that the story
went that one of them was sold into Libya,
and the other into Greece, and these women
were the first founders of the oracles in the
two countries." On my inquiring how they
came to know so exactly what became of the
women, they answered, "that diligent search
had been made after them at the time, but that
it had not been found possible to discover
where they were; afterwards, however, they

50-62]

THE HISTORY

received the information which they had
given me."

55. This was what I heard from the priests
at Thebes; at Dodona, however, the women
who deliver the oracles relate the matter as fol-
lows: "Two black doves flew away from
Egyptian Thebes, and while one directed its
flight to Libya, the other came to them. She
alighted on an oak, and silting there began to
speak with a human voice, and told them that
on the spot where she was, there should hence-
forth be an oracle of Jove. They understood the
announcement to be from heaven, so they set
to work at once and erected the shrine. The
dove which flew to Libya bade the Libyans to
establish there the oracle of Ammon." This
likewise is an oracle of Jupiter. The persons
from whom I received these particulars were
three priestesses of the Dodonaeans, the eldest
Promeneia, the next Timarete, and the young-
est Nicandra what they said was confirmed
by the other Dodonieans who dwell around the
temple.

56. My own opinion of these matters is as
follows: I think that, if it be true that the
Phoenicians carried off the holy women, and
sold them for slaves, the one into Libya and the
other into Greece, or Pelasgia (as it was then
called), this last must have been sold to the
Thesprotians. Afterwards, while undergoing
servitude in those parts, she built under a teal
oak a temple to Jupiter, her thoughts in her
new abode reverting as it was likely they
would do, if she had been an attendant in a
temple of Jupiter at Thebes to that particular
god. Then, having acquired a knowledge of
the Greek tongue, she set up an oracle. She also
mentioned that her sister had been sold for a
slave into Libya by the same persons as herself.

57. The Dodon.rans called the women doves
because they were foreigners, and seemed to
them to make a noise like birds. After a while
the dove spoke with a human voice, because
the woman, whose foreign talk had previously
sounded to them like the chattering of a bird,
acquired the power of speaking what they
could understand. For how can it be conceived
possible that a dove should really speak with
the voice of a man ? Lastly, by calling the dove
black the Dodonaeans indicated that the wo-
man was an Egyptian. And certainly the char-
acter of the oracles at Thebes and Dodona is
very similar. Besides this form of divination,
the Greeks learnt also divination by means of
victims from the Egyptians.

58. The Egyptians were also the first to in-

troduce solemn assemblies, processions, and
litanies to the gods; of all which the Greeks
were taught the use by them. It seems to me a
sufficient proof of this that in Egypt these prac-
tices have been established from remote antiq-
uity, while in Greece they are only recently
known.

59. The Egyptians do not hold a single sol-
emn assembly, but several in the course of the
year. Of these the chief, which is better at-
tended than any other, is held at the city of
Bubastis in honour of Diana. The next in im-
portance is that which takes place at Busiris, a
city situated in the very middle of the Delta; it
is in honour of Isis, who is called in the Greek
tongue Demeter (Ceres). There is a third great
festival in Sais to Minerva, a fourth in Helio-
polis to the Sun, a fifth in Buto to Latona, and
a sixth in Paprernis to Mars.

60. The following are the proceedings on
occasion of the assembly at Bubastis: Men
and women come sailing all together, vast
numbers in each boat, many of the women
with castanets, which they strike, while some
of the men pipe during the whole time of the
voyage; the remainder of the voyagers, male
and female, sing the while, and make a clap-
ping with their hands. When they arrive op-
posite any of: the towns upon the banks of the
stream, they approach the shore, and, while
some of the women continue to play and sing,
others call aloud to the females of the place and
load them with abuse, while a certain number
dance, and some standing up uncover them-
selves. After proceeding in this way all along
the river-course, they reach Bubastis, where
they celebrate the feast with abundant sacri-
fices. More grape-wine is consumed at this fes-
tival than in all the rest of the year besides. The
number of those who attend, counting only the
men and women and omitting the children,
amounts, according to the native reports, to
seven hundred thousand.

61. The ceremonies at the feast of Isis in the
city of Busiris have been already spoken of. It
is there that the whole multitude, both of men
and women, many thousands in number, beat
themselves at the close of the sacrifice, in hon-
our of a god, whose name a religious scruple
forbids me to mention. 1 The Carian dwellers
in Egypt proceed on this occasion to still
greater lengths, even cutting their faces with
their knives, whereby they let it been seen that
they are not Egyptians but foreigners.

62. At Sai's, when the assembly takes place
1 Osiris.

HERODOTUS

[BOOR H

for the sacrifices, there is one night on which
the inhabitants all burn a multitude of lights
in the open air round their houses. They use
lamps in the shape of flat saucers filled with a
mixture of oil and salt, on the top of which the
wick floats. These burn the whole night, and
give to the festival the name of the Feast of
Lamps. The Egyptians who are absent from
the festival observe the night of the sacrifice, no
less than the rest, by a general lighting of
lamps; so that the illumination is not confined
to the city of Sai's, but extends over the whole
of Egypt. And there is a religious reason as-
signed for the special honour paid to this night,
as well as for the illumination which acccomp-
anies it.

63. At Hcliopolis and Buto the assemblies
arc merely for the purpose of sacrifice; but at
Papremis, besides the sacrifices and other rites
which are performed there as elsewhere, the
following custom is observed: When the sun
is getting low, a few only of the priests con-
tinue occupied about the image of the god,
while the greater number, armed with wooden
clubs, take their station at the portal of the
temple. Opposite to them is drawn up a body
of men, in number above a thousand, armed,
like the others, with clubs, consisting of per-
sons engaged in the performance of their vows.
The image of the god, which is kept in a small
wooden shrine covered with plates of gold, is
conveyed from the temple into a second sacred
building the day before the festival begins. The
few priests still in attendance upon the image
place it, together with the shrine containing it,
on a four-wheeled car, and begin to drag it
along; the others stationed at the gateway of
the temple, oppose its admission. Then the
votaries come forward to espouse the quarrel of
the god, and set upon the opponents, who are
sure to offer resistance. A sharp fight with clubs
ensues, in which heads are commonly broken
on both sides. Many, I am convinced, die of the
wounds that they receive, though the Egyp-
tians insist that no one is ever killed.

64. The natives give the subjoined account
of this festival. They say that the mother of the
god Mars once dwelt in the temple. Brought up
at a distance from his parent, when he grew to
man's estate he conceived a wish to visit her.
Accordingly he came, but the attendants, who
had never seen him before, refused him en-
trance, and succeeded in keeping him out. So
he went to another city and collected a body of
men, with whose aid he handled the attendants
very roughly, and forced his way in to his

mother. Hence they say arose the custom of a
fight with sticks in honour of Mars at this fes-
tival.

The Egyptians first made it a point of re-
ligion to have no converse with women in the
sacred places, and not to enter them without
washing, after such converse. Almost all other
nations, except the Greeks and the Egyptians,
act differently, regarding man as in this matter
under no other law than the brutes. Many an-
imals, they say, and various kinds of birds, may
be seen to couple in the temples and the sacred
precincts, which would certainly not happen
if the gods were displeased at it. Such are the
arguments by which they defend their practice,
but I nevertheless can by no means approve of
it. In these points the Egyptians are specially
careful, as they are indeed in everything which
concerns their sacred edifices.

65. Egypt, though it borders upon Libya, is
not a region abounding in wild animals. The
animals that do exist in the country, whether
domesticated or otherwise, are all regarded as
sacred. If I were to explain why they are con-
secrated to the several gods, I should be led to
speak of religious matters, which I particularly
shrink from mentioning; the points whereon I
have touched slightly hitherto have all been in-
troduced from sheer necessity. Their custom
with respect to animals is as follows: For
every kind there are appointed certain guard-
ians, some male, some female, whose business
it is to look after them; and this honour is
made to descend from father to son. The in-
habitants of the various cities, when they have
made a vow to any god, pay it to his animals in
the way which I will now explain. At the time
of making the vow they shave the head of the
child, cutting off all the hair, or else half, or
sometimes a third part, which they then weigh
in a balance against a sum of silver; and what-
ever sum the hair weighs is presented to the
guardian of the animals, who thereupon cuts
up some fish, and gives it to them for food
such being the stuff whereon they are fed.
When a man has killed one of the sacred ani-
mals, if he did it with malice prepense, he is
punished with death; if unwittingly, he has to
pay such a fine as the priests choose to impose.
When an ibis, however, or a hawk is killed,
whether it was done by accident or on purpose,
the man must needs die.

66. The number of domestic animals in
Egypt is very great, and would be still greater
were it not for what befalls the cats. As the fe-
males, when they have kittened, no longer seek

63-71]

the company of the males, these last, to obtain
once more their companionship, practise a
curious artifice. They seize the kittens, carry
them off, and kill them, but do not eat them
afterwards. Upon this the females, being de-
prived of their young, and longing to supply
their place, seek the males once more, since
they are particularly fond of their offspring.
On every occasion of a fire in Egypt the strang-
est prodigy occurs with the cats. The inhabi-
tants allow the fire to rage as it pleases, while
they stand about at intervals and watch these
animals, which, slipping by the men or else
leaping over them, rush headlong into the
flames. When this happens, the Egyptians are
in deep affliction. If a cat dies in a private house
by a natural death, all the inmates of the house
shave their eyebrows; on the death of a dog
they shave the head and the whole of the body.

67. The cats on their decease are taken to the
city of Bubastis, where they are embalmed,
after which they are buried in certain sacred
repositories. The dogs are interred in the cities
to which they belong, also in sacred burial-
places. The same practice obtains with respect
to the ichneumons; the hawks and shrew-mice,
on the contrary, are conveyed to the city of
Buto for burial, and the ibises to Hermopolis.
The bears, which are scarce in Egypt, and the
wolves, which are not much bigger than foxes,
they bury wherever they happen to find them
lying.

68. The following are the peculiarities of the
crocodile: During the four winter months
they eat nothing; they are four-footed, and live
indifferently on land or in the water. The fe-
male lays and hatches her eggs ashore, passing
the greater portion of the day on dry land, but
at night retiring to the river, the water of
which is warmer than the night-air and the
dew. Of all known animals this is the one
which from the smallest size grows to be the
greatest: for the egg of the crocodile is but little
bigger than that of the goose, and the young
crocodile is in proportion to the egg; yet when
it is full grown, the animal measures frequent-
ly seventeen cubits and even more. It has the
eyes of a pig, teeth large and tusk-like, of a size
proportioned to its frame; unlike any other an-
imal, it is without a tongue; it cannot move its
under-jaw, and in this respect too it is singular,
being the only animal in the world which
moves the upper-jaw but not the under. It has
strong claws and a scaly skin, impenetrable
upon the back. In the water it is blind, but on
land it is very keen of sight. As it lives chiefly

THE HISTORY

in the river, it has the inside of its mouth con-
stantly covered with leeches; hence it happens
that, while all the other birds and beasts avoid
it, with the trochilus it lives at peace, since it
owes much to that bird: for the crocodile,
when he leaves the water and comes out upon
the land, is in the habit of lying with his mouth
wide open, facing the western breeze: at such
times the trochilus goes into his mouth and de-
vours the leeches. This benefits the crocodile,
who is pleased, and takes care not to hurt the
trochilus.

69. The crocodile is esteemed sacred by some
of the Egyptians, by others he is treated as an
enemy. Those who live near Thebes, and those
who dwell around Lake Moms, regard them
with especial veneration. In each of these places
they keep one crocodile in particular, who is
taught to be tame and tractable. They adorn
his ears with ear-rings of molten stone or gold,
and put bracelets on his fore-paws, giving him
daily a set portion of bread, with a certain
number of victims; and, after having thus
treated him with the greatest possible attention
while alive, they embalm him when he dies
and bury him in a sacred repository. The peo-
ple of Elephantine on the other hand, are so far
from considering these animals as sacred that
they even eat their flesh. In the Egyptian lan-
guage they are not called crocodiles, but
Champsae. The name of crocodiles was given
them by the lonians, who remarked their re-
semblance to the lizards, which in Ionia live in
the walls and are called crocodiles.

70. The modes of catching the crocodile are
many and various. I shall only describe the one
which seems to me most worthy of mention.
They bait a hook with a chine of pork and let
the meat be carried out into the middle of the
stream, while the hunter upon the bank holds
a living pig, which he belabours. The croco-
dile hears its cries, and making for the sound,
encounters the pork, which he instantly swal-
lows down. The men on the shore haul, and
when they have got him to land, the first thing
the hunter does is to plaster his eyes with mud.
This once accomplished, the animal is des-
patched with ease, otherwise he gives great
trouble.

71. The hippopotamus, in the canton of Pa-
premis, is a sacred animal, but not in any other
part of Egypt. It may be thus described: It is
a quadruped, cloven-footed, with hoofs like an
ox, and a flat nose. It has the mane and tail of
a horse, huge tusks which are very conspic-
uous, and a voice like a horse's neigh. In size

HERODOTUS

[BOOK ii

it equals the biggest oxen, and its skin is so
tough that when dried it is made into javelins.

72. Otters also are found in the Nile, and
are considered sacred. Only two sorts of fish are
venerated, that called the lepidotus and the eel.
These are regarded as sacred to the Nile, as
likewise among birds is the vulpanser, or fox-
goose.

73. They have also another sacred bird called
the phoenix, which I myself have never seen,
except in pictures. Indeed it is a great rarity,
even in Egypt, only coming there (according
to the accounts of the people of Heliopolis;
once in five hundred years, when the old phoe-
nix dies. Its size and appearance, if it is like
the pictures, are as follow: The plumage is
partly red, partly golden, while the general
make and size are almost exactly that of the
eagle. They tell a story of what this bird does,
which does not seem to me to be credible: that
he comes all the way from Arabia, and brings
the parent bird, all plastered over with myrrh,
to the temple of the Sun, and there buries the
body. In order to bring him, they say, he first
forms a ball of myrrh as big as he finds that he
can carry; then he hollows out the ball, and
puts his parent inside, after which he covers
over the opening with fresh myrrh, and the
ball is then of exactly the same weight as at
first; so he brings it to Egypt, plastered over as
I have said, and deposits it in the temple of the
Sun. Such is the story they tell of the doings of
this bird.

74. In the neighbourhood of Thebes there are
some sacred serpents which are perfectly harm-
less. They are of small size, and have two horns
growing out of the top of the head. These
snakes, when they die, are buried in the temple
of Jupiter, the god to whom they are sacred.

75. I went once to a certain place in Arabia,
almost exactly opposite the city of Buto, to
make inquiries concerning the winged ser-
pents. On my arrival I saw the back-bones and
ribs of serpents in such numbers as it is im-
possible to describe: of the ribs there were a
multitude of heaps, some great, some small,
some middle-sized. The place where the bones
lie is at the entrance of a narrow gorge between
steep mountains, which there open upon a
spacious plain communicating with the great
plain of Egypt. The story goes that with the
spring the winged snakes come flying from
Arabia towards Egypt, but are met in this
gorge by the birds called ibises, who forbid
their entrance and destroy them all. The Arab-
ians assert, and the Egyptians also admit, that

it is on account of the service thus rendered
that the Egyptians hold the ibis in so much
reverence.

76. The ibis is a bird of a deep-black colour,
with legs like a crane; its beak is strongly
hooked, and its size is about that of the land-
rail. This is a description of the black ibis
which contends with the serpents. The com-
moner sort, for there are two quite distinct
species, has the head and the whole throat bare
of feathers; its general plumage is white, but
the head and neck are jet black, as also are the
tips of the wings and the extremity of the tail;
in its beak and legs it resembles the other spe-
cies. The winged serpent is shaped like the
water-snake. Its wings are not feathered, but
resemble very closely those of the bat. And thus
I conclude the subject of the sacred animals.

77. With respect to the Egyptians them-
selves, it is to be remarked that those who live
in the corn country, devoting themselves, as
they do, far more than any other people in the
world, to the preservation of the memory of
past actions, are the best skilled in history of
any men that I have ever met. The following
is the mode of life habitual to them: For
three successive days in each month they purge
the body by means of emetics and clysters,
which is done out of a regard for their health,
since they have a persuasion that every disease
to which men are liable is occasioned by the
substances whereon they feed. Apart from any
such precautions, they are, I believe, next to
the Libyans, the healthiest people in the world
an effect of their climate, in my opinion,
which has no sudden changes. Diseases almost
always attack men when they are exposed to
a change, and never more than during changes
of the weather. They live on bread made of
spelt, which they form into loaves called in
their own tongue cyllSstis. Their drink is a
wine which they obtain from barley, as they
have no vines in their country. Many kinds of
fish they eat raw, either salted or dried in the
sun. Quails also, and ducks and small birds,
they eat uncooked, merely first salting them.
All other birds and fishes, excepting those
which are set apart as sacred, are eaten either
roasted or boiled.

78. In social meetings among the rich, when
the banquet is ended, a servant carries round
to the several guests a coffin, in which there is
a wooden image of a corpse, carved and paint-
ed to resemble nature as nearly as possible,
about a cubit or two cubits in length. As he
shows it to each guest in turn, the servant says,

72-86]

THE HISTORY

"Gaze here, and drink and be merry; for when
you die, such will you be."

79. The Egyptians adhere to their own na-
tional customs, and adopt no foreign usages.
Many of these customs are worthy of note:
among others their song, the Linus, which is
sung under various names not only in Egypt
but in Phoenicia, in Cyprus, and in other
places; and which seems to be exactly the same
as that in use among the Greeks, and by them
called Linus. There were very many things in
Egypt which filled me with astonishment, and
this was one of them. Whence could the Egyp-
tians have got the Linus? It appears to have
been sung by them from the very earliest times.
For the Linus in Egyptian is called Maneros;
and they told me that Maneros was the only
son of their first king, and that on his untimely
death he was honoured by the Egyptians with
these dirgelike strains, and in this way they
got their first and only melody.

80. There is another custom in which the
Egyptians resemble a particular Greek people,
namely the Lacedaemonians. Their young men,
when they meet their elders in the streets, give
way to them and step aside; and if an elder
come in where young men are present, these
latter rise from their seats. In a third point they
differ entirely from all the nations of Greece.
Instead of speaking to each other when they
meet in the streets, they make an obeisance,
sinking the hand to the knee.

81. They wear a linen tunic fringed about
the legs, and called calasiris; over this they have
a white woollen garment thrown on afterwards.
Nothing of woollen, however, is taken into
their temples or buried with them, as their re-
ligion forbids it. Here their practice resembles
the rites called Orphic and Bacchic, but which
are in reality Egyptian and Pythagorean; for
no one initiated in these mysteries can be
buried in a woollen shroud, a religious reason
being assigned for the observance.

82. The Egyptians likewise discovered to
which of the gods each month and day is sac-
red; and found out from the day of a man's
birth what he will meet with in the course of
his life, and how he will end his days, and what
sort of man he will be discoveries whereof
the Greeks engaged in poetry have made a use.
The Egyptians have also discovered more
prognostics than all the rest of mankind be-
sides. Whenever a prodigy takes place, they
watch and record the result; then, if anything
similar ever happens again, they expect the
same consequences.

83. With respect to divination, they hold
that it is a gift which no mortal possesses, but
only certain of the gods: thus they have an
oracle of Hercules, one of Apollo, of Minerva,
of Diana, of Mars, and of Jupiter. Besides
these, there is the oracle of Latona at Buto,
which is held in much higher repute than any
of the rest. The mode of delivering the oracles
is not uniform, but varies at the different
shrines.

84. Medicine is practised among them on a
plan of separation; each physician treats a
single disorder, and no more: thus the country
swarms with medical practitioners, some un-
dertaking to cure diseases of the eye, others of
the head, others again of the teeth, others of
the intestines, and some those which are not
local.

85. The following is the way in which they
conduct their mournings and their funerals:
On the death in any house of a man of con-
sequence, forthwith the women of the family
beplaster their heads, and sometimes even
their faces, with mud; and then, leaving the
body indoors, sally forth and wander through
the city, with their dress fastened by a band,
and their bosoms bare, beating themselves as
they walk. All the female relations join them
and do the same. The men too, similarly be-
girt, beat their breasts separately. When these
ceremonies are over, the body is carried away
to be embalmed.

86. There are a set of men in Egypt who
practice the art of embalming, and make it
their proper business. These persons, when a
body is brought to them, show the bearers vari-
ous models of corpses, made in wood, and
painted so as to resemble nature. The most per-
fect is said to be after the manner of him whom
I do not think it religious to name in connec-
tion with such a matter; the second sort is in-
ferior to the first, and less costly; the third is the
cheapest of all. All this the embalmers explain,
and then ask in which way it is wished that
the corpse should be prepared. The bearers tell
them, and having concluded their bargain,
take their departure, while the embalmers, left
to themselves, proceed to their task. The mode
of embalming, according to the most perfect
process, is the following: They take first a
crooked piece of iron, and with it draw out the
brain through the nostrils, thus getting rid of
a portion, while the skull is cleared of the rest
by rinsing with drugs; next they make a cut
along the flank with a sharp Ethiopian stone,
and take out the whole contents of the abdo-

HERODOTUS

[BOOK a

men, which they then cleanse, washing it thor-
oughly with palm wine, and again frequently
with an infusion of pounded aromatics. After
this they fill the cavity with the purest bruised
myrrh, with cassia, and every other sort of
spicery except frankincense, and sew up the
opening. Then the body is placed in natrum
for seventy days, and covered entirely over.
After the expiration of that space of time,
which must not be exceeded, the body is
washed, and wrapped round, from head to foot,
with bandages of fine linen cloth, smeared over
with gum, which is used generally by the Egyp-
tians in the place of glue, and in this state it
is given back to the relations, who enclose it in
a wooden case which they have had made for
the purpose, shaped into the figure of a man.
Then fastening the case, they place it in a sepul-
chral chamber, upright against the wall. Such
is the most costly way of embalming the dead.

87. If persons wish to avoid expense, and
choose the second process, the following is the
method pursued: Syringes are filled with oil
made from the cedar-tree, which is then, with-
out any incision or disembowelling, injected
into the abdomen. The passage by which it
might be likely to return is stopped, and the
body laid in natrum the prescribed number of
days. At the end of the time the cedar-oil is al-
lowed to make its escape; and such is its power
that it brings with it the whole stomach and in-
testines in a liquid state. The natrum mean-
while has dissolved the flesh, and so nothing
is left of the dead body but the skin and the
bones. It is returned in this condition to the
relatives, without any further trouble being be-
stowed upon it.

88. The third method of embalming, which
is practised in the case of the poorer classes, is
to clear out the intestines with a clyster, and let
the body lie in natrum the seventy days, after
which it is at once given to those who come to
fetch it away.

89. The wives of men of rank are not given
to be embalmed immediately after death, nor
indeed are any of the more beautiful and val-
ued women. It is not till they have been dead
three or four days that they are carried to the
embalmcrs. This is done to prevent indignities
from being offered them. It is said that once a
case of this kind occurred: the man was de-
tected by the information of his fellow-work-

man.

90. Whensoever any one, Egyptian or for-
eigner, has lost his life by falling a prey to a
crocodile, or by drowning in the river, the law

compels the Inhabitants of the city near which
the body is cast up to have it embalmed, and to
bury it in one of the sacred repositories with all
possible magnificence. No one may touch the
corpse, not even any of the friends or relatives,
but only the priests of the Nile, who prepare it
for burial with their own hands regarding it
as something more than the mere body of a
man and themselves lay it in the tomb.

91 . The Egyptians are averse to adopt Greek
customs, or, in a word, those of any other na-
tion. This feeling is almost universal among
them. At Chemmis, however, which is a large
city in the Thebaic canton, near Neapolis, there
is a square enclosure sacred to Perseus, son of
Danae. Palm trees grow all round the place,
which has a stone gateway of an unusual size,
surmounted by two colossal statues, also in
stone. Inside this precinct is a temple, and in
the temple an image of Perseus. The people of
Chemmis say that Perseus often appears to
them, sometimes within the sacred enclosure,
sometimes in the open country: one of the
sandals which he has worn is frequently found
two cubits in length, as they affirm and
then all Egypt flourishes greatly. In the worship
of Perseus Greek ceremonies are used; gym-
nastic games are celebrated in his honour, com-
prising every kind of contest, with prizes of
cattle, cloaks, and skins. I made inquiries of the
Chemmites why it was that Perseus appeared
to them and not elsewhere in Egypt, and how
they came to celebrate gymnastic contests un-
like the rest of the Egyptians: to which they
answered, "that Perseus belonged to their city
by descent. Danaiis and Lynceus were Chem-
mites before they set sail for Greece, and from
them Perseus was descended," they said, trac-
ing the genealogy; "and he, when he came to
Egypt for the purpose" (which the Greeks also
assign) "of bringing away from Libya the
Gorgon's head, paid them a visit, and acknowl-
edged them for his kinsmen he had heard
the name of their city from his mother before
he left Greece he bade them institute a gym-
nastic contest in his honour, and that was the
reason why they observed the practice."

92. The customs hitherto described are those
of the Egyptians who live above the marsh-
country. The inhabitants of the marshes have
the same customs as the rest, as well in those
matters which have been mentioned above as
in respect of marriage, each Egyptian taking
to himself, like the Greeks, a single wife; but
for greater cheapness of living the marsh-men
practise certain peculiar customs, such as these

THE HISTORY

following. They gather the blossoms of a cer-
tain water-lily, which grows in great abund-
ance all over the flat country at the time when
the Nile rises and floods the regions along its
banks the Egyptians call it the lotus they
gather, I say, the blossoms of this plant and dry
them in the sun, after which they extract from
the centre of each blossom a substance like the
head of a poppy, which they crush and make
into bread. The root of the lotus is likewise
eatable, and has a pleasant sweet taste: it is
round, and about the size of an apple. There
is also another species of the lily in Egypt,
which grows, like the lotus, in the river, and
resembles the rose. The fruit springs up side
by side with the blossom, on a separate stalk,
and has almost exactly the look of the comb
made by wasps. It contains a number of seeds,
about the size of an olive-stone, which are
good to eat: and these are eaten both green
and dried. The byblus (papyrus), which grows
year after year in the marshes, they pull up,
and, cutting the plant in two, reserve the up-
per portion for other purposes, but take the
lower, which is about a cubit long, and either
eat it or else sell it. Such as wish to enjoy the
byblus in full perfection bake it first in a closed
vessel, heated to a glow. Some of these folk,
however, live entirely on fish, which are gutted
as soon as caught, and then hung up in the
sun: when dry, they are used as food.

93. Gregarious fish are not found in any
numbers in the rivers; they frequent the la-
gunes, whence, at the season of breeding, they
proceed in shoals towards the sea. The males
lead the way, and drop their milt as they go,
while the females, following close behind, ea-
gerly swallow it down. From this they con-
ceive, 1 and when, after passing some time in
the sea, they begin to be in spawn, the whole
shoal sets off on its return to its ancient haunts.
Now, however, it is no longer the males, but
the females, who take the lead: they swim in
front in a body, and do exactly as the males
did before, dropping, little by little, their grains
of spawn as they go, while the males in the
rear devour the grains, each one of which is
a fish. A portion of the spawn escapes and is
not swallowed by the males, and hence come
the fishes which grow afterwards to maturity.
When any of this son of fish are taken on their
passage to the sea, they are found to have the
left side of the head scarred and bruised; while
if taken on their return, the marks appear on
the right. The reason is that as they swim

1 Aristotle shows the absurdity of this statement

down the Nile seaward, they keep close to the
bank of the river upon their left, and returning
again up stream they still cling to the same
side, hugging h and brushing against it con-
stantly, to be sure that they miss not their road
through the great force of the current. When
the Nile begins to rise, the hollows in the land
and the marshy spots near the river are flooded
before any other places by the percolation of
the water through the riverbanks; and these,
almost as soon as they become pools, are found
to be full of numbers of little fishes. I think
that I understand how it is this comes to pass.
On the subsidence of the Nile the year before,
though the fish retired with the retreating wa-
ters, they had first deposited their spawn in
the mud upon the banks; and so, when at the
usual season the water returns, small fry are
rapidly engendered out of the spawn of the
preceding year. So much concerning the fish.

94. The Egyptians who live in the marshes
use for the anointing of their bodies an oil
made from the fruit of the sillicyprium, which
is known among them by the name of "kiki."
To obtain this they plant the sillicyprium
(which grows wild in Greece) along the banks
of the rivers and by the sides of the lakes,
where it produces fruit in great abundance,
but with a very disagreeable smell. This fruit
is gathered, and then bruised and pressed, or
else boiled down after roasting: the liquid
which comes from it is collected and is found
to be unctuous, and as well suited as olive-oil
for lamps, only that it gives out an unpleasant
odour.

95. The contrivances which they use against
gnats, wherewith the country swarms, are the
following. In the parts of Egypt above the
marshes the inhabitants pass the night upon
lofty towers, which are of great service, as the
gnats are unable to fly to any height on account
of the winds. In the marsh-country, where
there are no towers, each man possesses a net
instead. By day it serves him to catch fish,
while at night he spreads it over the bed in
which he is to rest, and creeping in, goes to
sleep underneath. The gnats, which, if he rolls
himself up in his dress or in a piece of muslin,
are sure to bite through the covering, do not
so much as attempt to pass the net.

96. The vessels used in Egypt for the trans-
port of merchandise are made of the Acantha
(Thorn), a tree which in its growth is very
like the Cyrenaic lotus, and from which there
exudes a gum. They cut a quantity of planks
about two cubits in length from this tree, and

HERODOTUS

[BOOK ii

then proceed to their ship-building, arranging
the planks like bricks, and attaching them by
ties to a number of long stakes or poles till the
hull is complete, when they lay the cross-planks
on the top from side to side. They give the
boats no ribs, but caulk the seams with papyrus
on the inside. Each has a single rudder, which
is driven straight through the keel. The mast
is a piece of acantha-wood, and the sails are
made of papyrus. These boats cannot make
way against the current unless there is a brisk
breeze; they are, therefore, towed up-stream
from the shore: down-stream they are man-
aged as follows. There is a raft belonging to
each, made of the wood of the tamarisk, fas-
tened together with a wattling of reeds; and
also a stone bored through the middle about
two talents in weight. The raft is fastened to
the vessel by a rope, and allowed to float down
the stream in front, while the stone is attached
by another rope astern. The result is that the
raft, hurried forward by the current, goes rap-
idly down the river, and drags the "baris" (for
so they call this sort of boat) after it; while
the stone, which is pulled along in the wake
of the vessel, and lies deep in the water, keeps
the boat straight. There are a vast number of
these vessels in Egypt, and some of them are
of many thousand talents' burthen.

97. When the Nile overflows, the country
is converted into a sea, and nothing appears
but the cities, which look like the islands in
the Egean. At this season boats no longer keep
the course of the river, but sail right across the
plain. On the voyage from Naucratis to Mem-
phis at this season, you pass close to the pyra-
mids, whereas the usual course is by the apex
of the Delta, and the city of Cercasorus. You
can sail also from the maritime town of Cano-
bus across the flat to Naucratis, passing by the
cities of Anthylla and Archandropolis.

98. The former of these cities, which is a
place of note, is assigned expressly to the wife
of the ruler of Egypt for the time being, to
keep her in shoes. Such has been the custom
ever since Egypt fell under the Persian yoke.
The other city seems to me to have got its name
of Archandropolis from Archander the
Phthian, son of Achaeus, and son-in-law of
Danaus. There might certainly have been an-
other Archander; but, at any rate, the name is
not Egyptian.

99. Thus far I have spoken of Egypt from
my own observation, relating what I myself
saw, the ideas that I formed, and the results
of my own researches. What follows rests on

the accounts given me by the Egyptians, which
I shall now repeat, adding thereto some par-
ticulars which fell under by own notice.

The priests said that Men was the first king
of Egypt, and that it was he who raised the
dyke which protects Memphis from the inun-
dations of the Nile. Before his time the river
flowed entirely along the sandy range of hills
which skirts Egypt on the side of Libya. He,
however, by banking up the river at the bend
which it forms about a hundred furlongs south
of Memphis, laid the ancient channel dry,
while he dug a new course for the stream half-
way between the two lines of hills. To this day,
the elbow which the Nile forms at the point
where it is forced aside into the new channel is
guarded with the greatest care by the Persians,
and strengthened every year; for if the river
were to burst out at this place, and pour over
the mound, there would be danger of Memphis
being completely overwhelmed by the flood.
Men, the first king, having thus, by turning the
river, made the tract where it used to run, dry
land, proceeded in the first place to build the
city now called Memphis, which lies in the nar-
row part of Egypt; after which he further ex-
cavated a lake outside the town, to the north
and west, communicating with the river,
which was itself the eastern boundary. Besides
these works, he also, the priests said, built the
temple of Vulcan which stands within the city,
a vast edifice, very worthy of mention.

100. Next, they read me from a papyrus the
names of three hundred and thirty monarchs,
who (they said) were his successors upon the
throne. In this number of generations there
were eighteen Ethiopian kings, and one queen
who was a native; all the rest were kings and
Egyptians. The queen bore the same name as
the Babylonian princess, namely, Nitocris.
They said that she succeeded her brother; he
had been king of Egypt, and was put to death
by his subjects, who then placed her upon the
throne. Bent on avenging his death, she de-
vised a cunning scheme by which she destroyed
a vast number of Egyptians. She constructed a
spacious underground chamber, and, on pre-
tence of inaugurating it, contrived the follow-
ing: Inviting to a banquet those of the Egyp-
tians whom she knew to have had the chief
share in the murder of her brother, she sud-
denly, as they were feasting, let the river in
upon them, by means of a secret duct of large
size. This, and this only, did they tell me of
her, except that, when she had done as I have
said, she threw herself into an apartment full

97-io6]

THE HISTORY

of ashes, that she might escape the vengeance
whereto she would otherwise have been ex-
posed,

101. The other kings, they said, were per-
sonages of no note or distinction, and left no
monuments of any account, with the exception
of the last, who was named Moeris. He left sev-
eral memorials of his reign the northern
gateway of the temple of Vulcan, the lake ex-
cavated by his orders, whose dimensions I shall
give presently, and the pyramids built by him
in the lake, the size of which will be stated
when I describe the lake itself wherein they
stand. Such were his works: the other kings
left absolutely nothing.

1 02. Passing over these monarchs, therefore,
I shall speak of the king who reigned next,
whose name was Sesostris. He, the priests said,
first of all proceeded in a fleet of ships of war
from the Arabian gulf along the shores of the
Erythraean sea, subduing the nations as he
went, until he finally reached a sea which
could not be navigated by reason of the shoals.
Hence he returned to Egypt, where, they told
me, he collected a vast armament, and made a
progress by land across the continent, conquer-
ing every people which fell in his way. In the
countries where the natives withstood his at-
tack, and fought gallantly for their liberties,
he erected pillars, on which he inscribed his
own name and country, and how that he had
here reduced the inhabitants to subjection by
the might of his arms: where, on the contrary,
they submitted readily and without a struggle,
he inscribed on the pillars, in addition to these
particulars, an emblem to mark that they were
a nation of women, that is, unwarlike and ef-
feminate.

103. In this way he traversed the whole con-
tinent of Asia, whence he passed on into Eu-
rope, and made himself master of Scythia and
of Thrace, beyond which countries I do not
think that his army extended its march. For
thus far the pillars which he erected are still
visible, but in the remoter regions they are no
longer found. Returning to Egypt from
Thrace, he came, on his way, to the banks of
the river Phasis. Here I cannot say with any
certainty what took place. Either he of his own
accord detached a body of -troops from his
main army and left them to colonise the coun-
try, or else a certain number of his soldiers,
wearied with their long wanderings, deserted,
and established themselves on the banks of this
stream.

104. There can be no doubt that the Col-

chians are an Egyptian race. Before I heard any
mention of the fact from others, I had re-
marked it myself. After the thought had struck
me, I made inquiries on the subject both in
Colchis and in Egypt, and I found that the Col-
chians had a more distinct recollection of the
Egyptians, than the Egyptians had of them.
Still the Egyptians said that they believed the
Colchians to be descended from the army of
Sesostris. My own conjectures were founded,
first, on the fact that they are black-skinned
and have woolly hair, which certainly amounts
to but little, since several other nations are so
too; but further and more especially, on the
circumstance that the Colchians, the Egyp-
tians, and the Ethiopians, arc the only nations
who have practised circumcision from the ear-
liest times. The Phoenicians and the Syrians of
Palestine themselves confess that they learnt
the custom of the Egyptians; and the Syrians
who dwell about the rivers Therm6don and
Parthenius, as well as their neighbours the
Macronians, say that they have recently adopt-
ed it from the Colchians. Now these are the
only nations who use circumcision, and it is
plain that they all imitate herein the Egyptians.
With respect to the Ethiopians, indeed, I can-
not decide whether they learnt the practice of
the Egyptians, or the Egyptians of them it is
undoubtedly of very ancient date in Ethiopia
but that the others derived their knowledge
of it from Egypt is clear to me from the fact
that the Phoenicians, when they come to have
commerce with the Greeks, cease to follow the
Egyptians in this custom, and allow their chil-
dren to remain uncircumcised.

105. I will add a further proof to the iden-
tity of the Egyptians and the Colchians. These
two nations weave their linen in exactly the
same way, and this is a way entirely unknown
to the rest of the world; they also in their whole
mode of life and in their language resemble
one another. The Colchian linen is called by
the Greeks Sardinian, while that which comes
from Egypt is known as Egyptian.

1 06. The pillars which Sesostris erected in
the conquered countries have for the most part
disappeared; but in the part of Syria called
Palestine, I myself saw them still standing,
with the writing above-mentioned, and the em-
blem distinctly visible. In Ionia also, there are
two representations of this prince engraved
upon rocks, one on the road from Ephesus to
Phocaea, the other between Sardis and Smyrna.
In each case the figure is that of a man, four
cubits and a span high, with a spear in his

HERODOTUS

right hand and a bow in his left, the rest of his
costume being likewise half Egyptian, half
Ethiopian. There is an inscription across the
breast from shoulder to shoulder, in the sacred
character of Egypt, which says, "With my own
shoulders I conquered this land." The con-
queror does not tell who he is, or whence he
comes, though elsewhere Sesostris records these
facts. Hence it has been imagined by some of
those who have seen these forms, that they are
figures of Memnon; but such as think so err
very widely from the truth.

107. This Sesostris, the priests went on to
say, upon his return home, accompanied by
vast multitudes of the people whose countries
he had subdued, was received by his brother,
whom he had made viceroy of Egypt on his de-
parture, at Daphna! near Pelusium, and invited
by him to a banquet, which he attended, to-
gether with his sons. Then his brother piled a
quantity of wood all round the building, and
having so done set it alight. Sesostris, discov-
ering what had happened, took counsel in-
stantly with his wife, who had accompanied
him to the feast, and was advised by her to lay
two of their six sons upon the fire, and so make
a bridge across the flames, whereby the rest
might effect their escape. Sesostris did as she
recommended, and thus while two of his sons
were burnt to death, he himself and his other
children were saved.

1 08. The king then returned to his own land
and took vengeance upon his brother, after
which he proceeded to make use of the multi-
tudes whom he had brought with him from
the conquered countries, partly to drag the
huge masses of stone which were moved in the
course of his reign to the temple of Vulcan
partly to dig the numerous canals with which
the whole of Egypt is intersected. By these
forced labours the entire face of the country
was changed; for whereas Egypt had formerly
been a region suited both for horses and car-
riages, henceforth it became entirely unfit for
either. Though a flat country throughout its
whole extent, it is now unfit for either horse or
carriage, being cut up by the canals, which are
extremely numerous and run in all directions.
The king's object was to supply Nile water to
the inhabitants of the towns situated in the
mid-country, and not lying upon the river; for
previously they had been obliged, after the sub-
sidence of the floods, to drink a brackish water
which they obtained from wells.

109. Sesostris also, they declared, made a di-
vision of the soil of Egypt among the inhabi-

[ BOOK n

tants, assigning square plots of ground of equal
size to all, and obtaining his chief revenue
from the rent which the holders were required
to pay him year by year. If the river carried
away any portion of a man's lot, he appeared
before the king, and related what had hap-
pened; upon which the king sent persons to
examine, and determine by measurement the
exact extent of the loss; and thenceforth only
such a rent was demanded of him as was pro-
portionate to the reduced size of his land.
From this practice, I think, geometry first came
to be known in Egypt, whence it passed into
Greece. The sun-dial, however, and the gno-
mon with the division of the day into twelve
parts, were received by the Greeks from the
Babylonians.

no. Sesostris was king not only of Egypt,
but also of Ethiopia. He was the only Egyp-
tian monarch who ever ruled over the latter
country. He left, as memorials of his reign, the
stone statues which stand in front of the tem-
ple of Vulcan, two of which, representing him-
self and his wife, are thirty cubits in height,
while the remaining four, which represent his
sons, are twenty cubits. These are the statues, in
front of which the priest of Vulcan, very many
years afterwards, would not allow Darius the
Persian to place a statue of himself; "because,"
he said, "Darius had not equalled the achieve-
ments of Sesostris the Egyptian: for while Se-
sostris had subdued to the full as many nations
as ever Darius had brought under, he had like-
wise conquered the Scythians, whom Darius
had failed to master. It was not fair, therefore,
that he should erect his statue in front of the
offerings of a king, whose deeds he had been
unable to surpass." Darius, they say, pardoned
the freedom of this speech.

in. On the death of Sesostris, his son Phe-
ron, the priests said, mounted the throne. He
undertook no warlike expeditions; being
struck with blindness, owing to the following
circumstance. The river had swollen to the un-
usual height of eighteen cubits, and had over-
flowed all the fields, when, a sudden wind aris-
ing, the water rose in great waves. Then the
king, in a spirit of impious violence, seized
his spear, and hurled it into the strong eddies
of the stream. Instantly he was smitten with
disease of the eyes, from which after a little
while he became blind, continuing without
the power of vision for ten years. At last, in the
eleventh year, an oracular announcement
reached him from the city of Buto, to the effect,
that "the time of his punishment had run out,

107-115]

THE HISTORY

and he should recover his sight by washing his
eyes with urine. He must find a woman who
had been faithful to her husband, and had nev-
er preferred to him another man." The king,
therefore, first of all made trial of his wife, but
to no purpose he continued as blind as before.
So he made the experiment with other women,
until at length he succeeded, and in this way
recovered his sight. Hereupon he assembled all
the women, except the last, and bringing them
to the city which now bears the name of Ery-
thrabolus (Red-soil), he there burnt them all,
together with the place itself. The woman to
whom he owed his cure, he married, and after
his recovery was complete, he presented offer-
ings to all the temples of any note, among
which the best worthy of mention are the two
stone obelisks which he gave to the temple of
the Sun. These are magnificent works; each is
made of a single stone, eight cubits broad, and
a hundred cubits in height.

112. Pheron, they said, was succeeded by a
man of Memphis, whose name, in the language
of the Greeks, was Proteus. There is a sacred
precinct of this king in Memphis, which is very
beautiful, and richly adorned, situated south
of the great temple of Vulcan. Phoenicians
from the city of Tyre dwell all round this pre-
cinct, and the whole place is known by the
name of "the camp of the Tynans." Within the
enclosure stands a temple, which is called that
of Venus the Stranger. I conjecture the build-
ing to have been erected to Helen, the daugh-
ter of Tyndarus; first, because she, as I have
heard say, passed some time at the court of Pro-
teus; and secondly, because the temple is dedi-
cated to Venus the Stranger; for among all the
many temples of Venus there is no other where
the goddess bears this title.

113. The priests, in answer to my inquiries
on the subject of Helen, informed me of the
following particulars. When Alexander had
carried off Helen from Sparta, he took ship and
sailed homewards. On his way across the Egean
a gale arose, which drove him from his course
and took him down to the sea of Egypt; hence,
as the wind did not abate, he was carried on to
the coast, when he went ashore, landing at the
Salt-Pans, in that mouth of the Nile which is
now called the Canobic. At this place there
stood upon the shore a temple, which still ex-
ists, dedicated to Hercules. If a slave runs away
from his master, and taking sanctuary at this
shrine gives himself up to the god, and receives
certain sacred marks upon his person, whoso-
ever his master may be, he cannot lay hand on

him. This law still remained unchanged to my
time. Hearing, therefore, of the custom of the
place, the attendants of Alexander deserted
him, and fled to the temple, where they sat as
suppliants. While there, wishing to damage
their master, they accused him to the Egyp-
tians, narrating all the circumstances of the
rape of Helen and the wrong done to Mene-
laus. These charges they brought, not only
before the priests, but also before the warden
of that mouth of the river, whose name was
Thonis.

114. As soon as he received the intelligence,
Th6nis sent a message to Proteus, who was at
Memphis, to this effect: "A stranger is arrived
from Greece; he is by race a Teucrian, and has
done a wicked deed in the country from which
he is come. Having beguiled the wife of the
man whose guest he was, he carried her away
with him, and much treasure also. Compelled
by stress of weather, he has now put in here.
Are we to let him depart as he came, or shall
we seize what he has brought?" Proteus re-
plied, "Seize the man, be he who he may, that
has dealt thus wickedly with his friend, and
bring him before me, that 1 may hear what he
will say for himself."

115. Thonis, on receiving these orders, ar-
rested Alexander, and stopped the departure
of his ships; then, taking with him Alexander,
Helen, the treasures, and also the fugitive
slaves, he went up to Memphis. When all were
arrived, Proteus asked Alexander, "who he
was, and whence he had come?" Alexander re-
plied by giving his descent, the name of his
country, and a true account of his late voyage.
Then Proteus questioned him as to how he got
possession of Helen. In his reply Alexander be-
came confused, and diverged from the truth,
whereon the slaves interposed, confuted his
statements, and told the whole history of the
crime. Finally, Proteus delivered judgment as
follows: "Did I not regard it as a matter of the
utmost consequence that no stranger driven to
my country by adverse winds should ever be
put to death, I would certainly have avenged
the Greek by slaying thee. Thou basest of men,
after accepting hospitality, to do so wicked a
deed! First, thou didst seduce the wife of thy
own host then, not content therewith, thou
must violently excite her mind, and steal her
away from her husband. Nay, even so thou
wert not satisfied, but on leaving, thou must
plunder the house in which thou hadst been a
guest. Now then, as I think it of the greatest
importance to put no stranger to death, I suffer

HERODOTUS

[BOOK ii

thce to depart; but the woman and the treas-
ures I shall not permit to be carried away. Here
they must stay, till the Greek stranger comes in
person and takes them back with him. For thy-
self and thy companions, I command thee to
begone from my land within the space of three
days and I warn you, that otherwise at the
end of that time you will be treated as ene-
mies."

1 1 6. Such was the tale told me by the priests
concerning the arrival of Helen at the court of
Proteus. It seems to me that Homer was ac-
quainted with this story, and while discarding
it, because he thought it less adapted for epic
poetry than the version which he followed,
showed that it was not unknown to him. This
is evident from the travels which he assigns to
Alexander in the Iliad and let it be borne in
mind that he has nowhere else contradicted
himself making him be carried out of his
course on his return with Helen, and after di-
vers wanderings come at last to Sidon in Phoe-
nicia. The passage is in the Bravery of Dio-
med, 1 and the words are as follows:

There were the robes, many-coloured, the wor\
of Sidonian women:

They from Sidon had come, what time god-
shaped Alexander

Over the broad sea brought, that way, the high-
born Helen.

In the Odyssey also the same fact is alluded
to, in these words: 2

Such, so wisely prepared, were the drugs that her

stores afforded,
Excellent; gift which once Polydamna, partner of

Thorns,
Gave her in Egypt, where many the simples that

grow in the meadows,
Potent to cure in part, in part as potent to injure.

Menelaus too, in the same poem, thus ad-
dresses Telemachus: 3
Much did I long to return t but the Gods still \ept

me in Egypt

Angry because 1 had failed to pay them their hec-
atombs duly.

In these places Homer shows himself ac-
quainted with the voyage of Alexander to
Egypt, for Syria borders on Egypt, and the
Phoenicians, to whom Sidon belongs, dwell in
Syria.

117. From these various passages, and from
that about Sidon especially, it is clear that Ho-
mer did not write the Cypria. For there it is

1 Iliad , Bk vi. 290-292.

2 Odyssey, Bk iv, 227-230.
*lbid>, Bk iv. 351-352.

said that Alexander arrived at Ilium with Hel-
en on the third day after he left Sparta, the
wind having been favourable, and the sea
smooth; whereas in the Iliad, the poet makes
him wander before he brings her home.
Enough, however, for the present of Homer
and the Cypria.

1 1 8. I made inquiry of the priests whether
the story which the Greeks tell about Ilium is
a fable, or no. In reply they related the follow-
ing particulars, of which they declared that
Menelaus had himself informed them. After
the rape of Helen, a vast army of Greeks, wish-
ing to render help to Menelaus, set sail for the
Teucrian territory; on their arrival they disem-
barked, and formed their camp, after which
they sent ambassadors to Ilium, of whom Men-
elaus was one. The embassy was received with-
in the walls, and demanded the restoration of
Helen with the treasures which Alexander had
carried off, and likewise required satisfaction
for the wrong done. The Teucrians gave at
once the answer in which they persisted ever
afterwards, backing their assertions sometimes
even with oaths, to wit, that neither Helen, nor
the treasures claimed, were in their possession,
both the one and the other had remained,
they said, in Egypt; and it was not just to come
upon them for what Proteus, king of Egypt,
was detaining. The Greeks, imagining that the
Teucrians were merely laughing at them, laid
siege to the town, and never rested until they
finally took it. As, however, no Helen was
found, and they were still told the same story,
they at length believed in its truth, and des-
patched Menelaus to the court of Proteus.

119. So Menelaus travelled to Egypt, and on
his arrival sailed up the river as far as Mem-
phis, and related all that had happened. He
met with the utmost hospitality, received Hel-
en back unharmed, and recovered all his treas-
ures. After this friendly treatment Menelaus,
they said, behaved most unjustly towards the
Egyptians; for as it happened that at the time
when he wanted to take his departure, he was
detained by the wind being contrary, and as
he found this obstruction continue, he had re-
course to a most wicked expedient. He seized,
they said, two children of the people of the
country, and offered them up in sacrifice.
When this became known, the indignation of
the people was stirred, and they went in pur-
suit of Menelaus, who, however, escaped with
his ships to Libya, after which the Egyptians
could not say whither he went. The rest they
knew full well, partly by the inquiries which

THE HISTORY

they had made, and partly from the circum-
stances having taken place in their own land,
and therefore not admitting of doubt.

1 20. Such is the account given by the Egyp-
tian priests, and I am myself inclined to regard
as true all that they say of Helen from the fol-
lowing considerations: If Helen had been at
Troy, the inhabitants would, I think, have giv-
en her up to the Greeks, whether Alexander
consented to it or no. For surely neither Priam,
nor his family, could have been so infatuated
as to endanger their own persons, their chil-
dren, and their city, merely that Alexander
might possess Helen. At any rate, if they de-
termined to refuse at first, yet afterwards when
so many of the Trojans fell on every encounter
with the Greeks, and Priam too in each battle
lost a son, or sometimes two, or three, or even
more, if we may credit the epic poets, I do not
believe that even if Priam himself had been
married to her he would have declined to de-
liver her up, with the view of bringing the se-
ries of calamities to a close. Nor was it as if
Alexander had been heir to the crown, in
which case he might have had the chief man-
agement of affairs, since Priam was already
old. Hector, who was his elder brother, and a
far braver man, stood before him, and was the
heir to the kingdom on the death of their fa-
ther Priam. And it could not be Hector's inter-
est to uphold his brother in his wrong, when
it brought such dire calamities upon himself
and the other Trojans. But the fact was that
they had no Helen to deliver, and so they told
the Greeks, but the Greeks would not believe
what they said Divine Providence, as I think,
so willing, that by their utter destruction it
might be made evident to all men that when
great wrongs are done, the gods will surely
visit them with great punishments. Such, at
least, is my view of the matter.

121. (i.) When Proteus died, Rhampsini-
tus, the priests informed me, succeeded to the
throne. His monuments were the western
gateway of the temple of Vulcan, and the two
statues which stand in front of this gateway,
called by the Egyptians, the one Summer, the
other Winter, each twenty-five cubits in height.
The statue of Summer, which is the northern-
most of the two, is worshipped by the natives,
and has offerings made to it; that of Winter,
which stands towards the south, is treated in
exactly the contrary way. King Rhampsinitus
was possessed, they said, of great riches in sil-
ver indeed to such an amount, that none of
the princes, his successors, surpassed or even

equalled his wealth. For the better custody of
this money, he proposed to build a vast cham-
ber of hewn stone, one side of which was to
form a part of the outer wall of his palace. The
builder, therefore, having designs upon the
treasures, contrived, as he was making the
building, to insert in this wall a stone, which
could easily be removed from its place by two
men, or even by one. So the chamber was fin-
ished, and the king's money stored away in it.
Time passed, and the builder fell sick, when
finding his end approaching, he called for his
two sons, and related to them the contrivance
he had made in the king's treasure-chamber,
telling them it was for their sakcs he had done
it, that so they might always live in affluence.
Then he gave them clear directions concerning
the mode of removing the stone, and commun-
icated the measurements, bidding them care-
fully keep the secret, whereby they would be
Comptrollers of the Royal Exchequer so long
as they lived. Then the father died, and the
sons were not slow in setting to work: they
went by night to the palace, found the stone in
the wall of the building, and having removed
it with ease, plundered the treasury of a round
sum.

(2.) When the king next paid a visit to the
apartment, he was astonished to see that the
money was sunk in some of the vessels wherein
it was stored away. Whom to accuse, however,
he knew not, as the seals were all perfect, and
the fastenings of the room secure. Still each
time that he repeated his visits, he found that
more money was gone. The thieves in truth
never stopped, but plundered the treasury ever
more and more. At last the king determined to
have some traps made, and set near the vessels
which contained his wealth. This was done,
and when the thieves came, as usual, to the
treasure-chamber, and one of them entering
through the aperture, made straight for the
jars, suddenly he found himself caught in one
of the traps. Perceiving that he was lost, he in-
stantly called his brother, and telling him what
had happened, entreated him to enter as quick-
ly as possible and cut off his head, that when
his body should be discovered it might not be
recognised, which would have the effect of
bringing ruin upon both. The other thief
thought the advice good, and was persuaded
to follow it then, fitting the stone into its
place, he went home, taking with him his
brother's head.

(3.) When day dawned, the king came into
the room, and marvelled greatly to see the

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK ii

body of the thief in the trap without a head,
while the building was still whole, and neither
entrance nor exit was to be seen anywhere. In
this perplexity he commanded the body of the
dead man to be hung up outside the palace
wall, and set a guard to watch it, with orders
that if any persons were seen weeping or la-
menting near the place, they should be seized
and brought before him. When the mother
heard of this exposure of the corpse of her son,
she took it sorely to heart, and spoke to her sur-
viving child, bidding him devise some plan or
other to get back the body, and threatening,
that if he did not exert himself, she would go
herself to the king, and denounce him as the
robber.

(4.) The son said all he could to persuade
her to let the matter rest, but in vain; she still
continued to trouble him, until at last he yield-
ed to her importunity, and contrived as fol-
lows: Filling some skins with wine, he load-
ed them on donkeys, which he drove before
him till he came to the place where the guards
were watching the dead body, when pulling
two or three of the skins towards him, he un-
tied some of the necks which dangled by the
asses' sides. The wine poured freely out, where-
upon he began to beat his head, and shout with
all his might, seeming not to know which of
the donkeys he should turn to first. When the
guards saw the wine running, delighted to
profit by the occasion, they rushed one and all
into the road, each with some vessel or other,
and caught the liquor as it was spilling. The
driver pretended anger, and loaded them with
abuse; whereon they did their best to pacify
him, until at last he appeared to soften, and re-
cover his good humour, drove his asses aside out
of the road, and set to work to rearrange their
burthens; meanwhile, as he talked and chatted
with the guards, one of them began to rally
him, and make him laugh, whereupon he gave
them one of the skins as a gift. They now made
up their minds to sit down and have a drink-
ing-bout where they were, so they begged him
to remain and drink with them. Then the man
let himself be persuaded, and stayed. As the
drinking went on, they grew very friendly to-
gether, so presently he gave them another
skin, upon which they drank so copiously that
they were all overcome with the liquor, and
growing drowsy lay down, and fell asleep
on the spot. The thief waited till it was the
dead of the night, and then took down the
body of his brother; after which, in mockery,
he shaved off the right side of all the soldiers'

beards, 1 and so left them. Laying his brother's
body upon the asses, he carried it home to his
mother, having thus accomplished the thing
that she had required of him.

(5.) When it came to the king's ears that
the thief's body was stolen away, he was sorely
vexed. Wishing, therefore, whatever it might
cost, to catch the man who had contrived the
trick, he had recourse (the priests said) to an
expedient, which I can scarcely credit. He sent
his own daughter to the common stews, with
orders to admit all comers, but to require every
man to tell her what was the cleverest and
wickedest thing he had done in the whole
course of his life. If any one in reply told her
the story of the thief, she was to lay hold of him
and not allow him to get away. The daughter
did as her father willed, whereon the thief,
who was well aware of the king's motive, felt
a desire to outdo him in craft and cunning. Ac-
cordingly he contrived the following plan:
He procured the corpse of a man lately dead,
and cutting off one of the arms at the shoulder,
put it under his dress, and so went to the king's
daughter. When she put the question to him as
she had done to all the rest, he replied that the
wickedest thing he had ever done was cutting
off the head of his brother when he was caught
in a trap in the king's treasury, and the clever-
est was making the guards drunk and carrying
off the body. As he spoke, the princess caught
at him, but the thief took advantage of the
darkness to hold out to her the hand of the
corpse. Imagining it to be his own hand, she
seized and held it fast; while the thief, leaving
it in her grasp, made his escape by the door.

(6.) The king, when word was brought
him of this fresh success, amazed at the sa-
gacity and boldness of the man, sent messen-
gers to all the towns in his dominions to pro-
claim a free pardon for the thief, and to prom-
ise him a rich reward, if he came and made
himself known. The thief took the king at his
word, and came boldly into his presence;
whereupon Rhampsinitus, greatly admiring
him, and looking on him as the most knowing
of men, gave him his daughter in marriage.
"The Egyptians," he said, "excelled all the rest
of the world in wisdom, and this man excelled
all other Egyptians."

1 This is a curious mistake for any one to make
who had been in Egypt, since the soldiers had no
beards, and it was the custom of all classes to
shave. Herodotus could not have learnt this story
from the Egyptians, and it is evidently from a
Greek source.

I2I-I2 5 ]

THE HISTORY

122. The same king, I was also informed by
the priests, afterwards descended alive into the
region which the Greeks call Hades, and there
played at dice with Ceres, sometimes winning
and sometimes suffering defeat. After a while
he returned to earth, and brought with him a
golden napkin, a gift which he had received
from the goddess. From this descent of Rham-
psinitus into Hades, and return to earth again,
the Egyptians, I was told, instituted a festival,
which they certainly celebrated in my day. On
what occasion it was that they instituted it,
whether upon this or upon any other, I cannot
determine. The following are the ceremonies:
On a certain day in the year the priests
weave a mantle, and binding the eyes of one of
their number with a fillet, they put the mantle
upon him, and take him with them into the
roadway conducting to the temple of Ceres,
when they depart and leave him to himself.
Then the priest, thus blindfolded, is led (they
say) by two wolves to the temple of Ceres, dis-
tant twenty furlongs from the city, where he
stays awhile, after which he is brought back
from the temple by the wolves, and left upon
the spot where they first joined him.

123. Such as think the tales told by the Egyp-
tians credible are free to accept them for his-
tory. For my own part, I propose to myself
throughout my whole work faithfully to record
the traditions of the several nations. The Egyp-
tians maintain that Ceres and Bacchus preside
in the realms below. They were also the first
to broach the opinion that the soul of man is
immortal, and that, when the body dies, it en-
ters into the form of an animal which is born
at the moment, thence passing on from one an-
imal into another, until it has circled through
the forms of all the creatures which tenant the
earth, the water, and the air, after which it en-
ters again into a human frame, and is born
anew. The whole period of the transmigration
is (they say) three thousand years. There are
Greek writers, some of an earlier, some of a
later date, who have borrowed this doctrine
from the Egyptians, and put it forward as their
own. I could mention their names, but I ab-
stain from doing so.

124. Till the death of Rhampsinitus, the
priests said, Egypt was excellently governed,
and flourished greatly; but after him Cheops
succeeded to the throne, and plunged into all
manner of wickedness. He closed the temples,
and forbade the Egyptians to offer sacrifice,
compelling them instead to labour, one and all,
in his service. Some were required to drag

blocks of stone down to the Nile from the
quarries in the Arabian range of hills; others
received the blocks after they had been con-
veyed in boats across the river, and drew them
to the range of hills called the Libyan. A hun-
dred thousand men laboured constantly, and
were relieved every three months by a fresh
lot. It took ten years' oppression of the people
to make the causeway for the conveyance of the
stones, a work not much inferior, in my judg-
ment, to the pyramid itself. This causeway is
five furlongs in length, ten fathoms wide, and
in height, at the highest part, eight fathoms. It
is built of polished stone, and is covered with
carvings of animals. To make it took ten years,
as I said or rather to make the causeway, the
works on the mound where the pyramid
stands, and the underground chambers, which
Cheops intended as vaults for his own use:
these last were built on a sort of island, sur-
rounded by water introduced from the Nile by
a canal. The pyramid itself was twenty years
in building. It is a square, eight hundred feet
each way, and the height the same, built en-
tirely of polished stone, fitted together with the
utmost care. The stones of which it is com-
posed are none of them less than thirty feet in
length.

125. The pyramid was built in steps, battle-
ment-wise, as it is called, or, according to oth-
ers, altar-wise. After laying the stones for the
base, they raised the remaining stones to their
places by means of machines formed of short
wooden planks. The first machine raised them
from the ground to the top of the first step. On
this there was another machine, which received
the stone upon its arrival, and conveyed it to
the second step, whence a third machine ad-
vanced it still higher. Either they had as many
machines as there were steps in the pyramid,
or possibly they had but a single machine,
which, being easily moved, was transferred
from tier to tier as the stone rose both ac-
counts are given, and therefore I mention both.
The upper portion of the pyramid was finished
first, then the middle, and finally the part
which was lowest and nearest the ground.
There is an inscription in Egyptian characters
on the pyramid which records the quantity of
radishes, onions, and garlic consumed by the
labourers who constructed it; and I perfectly
well remember that the interpreter who read
the writing to me i said that the money ex-
pended in this wdy was 1600 talents of silver.
If this then is a true record, what a vast sum
must have been spent on the iron tools used in

HERODOTUS

[BOOK ii

the work, and on the feeding and clothing of
the labourers, considering the length of time
the work lasted, which has already been stated,
and the additional time no small space, I im-
agine which must have been occupied by the
quarrying of the stones, their conveyance, and
the formation of the underground apartments.

126. The wickedness of Cheops reached to
such a pitch that, when he had spent all his
treasures and wanted more, he sent his daugh-
ter to the stews, with orders to procure him a
certain sum how much I cannot say, for I was
not told; she procured it, however, and at the
same time, bent on leaving a monument which
should perpetuate her own memory, she re-
quired each man to make her a present of a
stone towards the works which she contem-
plated. With these stones she built the pyramid
which stands midmost of the three that are in
front of the great pyramid, measuring along
each side a hundred and fifty feet.

127. Cheops reigned, the Egyptians said, fif-
ty years, and was succeeded at his demise by
Chephren, his brother.

Chephren imitated the conduct of his prede-
cessor, and, like him, built a pyramid, which
did not, however, equal the dimensions of his
brother's. Of this I am certain, for I measured
them both myself. It has no subterraneous
apartments, nor any canal from the Nile to sup-
ply it with water, as the other pyramid has. In
that, the Nile water, introduced through an
artificial duct, surrounds an island, where the
body of Cheops is said to he. Chephren built
his pyramid close to the great pyramid of Che-
ops, and of the same dimensions, except that he
lowered the height forty feet. For the basement
he employed the many-coloured stone of Ethi-
opia. These two pyramids stand both on the
same hill, an elevation not far short of a hun-
dred feet in height. The reign of Chephren
lasted fifty-six years.

128. Thus the affliction of Egypt endured
for the space of one hundred and six years, dur-
ing the whole of which time the temples were
shut up and never opened. The Egyptians so
detest the memory of these kings that they do
not much like even to mention their names.
Hence they commonly call the pyramids after
Philition, a shepherd who at that time fed his
flocks about the place.

129. After Chephren, Myortinus (they said),
son of Cheops, ascended 3 the throne. This
prince disapproved the conduct of his father,
re-opened the temples, and allowed the people,
who were ground down to the lowest point o

misery, to return to their occupations, and to
resume the practice of sacrifice. His justice in
the decision of causes was beyond that of all
the former kings. The Egyptians praise him
in this respect more highly than any of their
other monarchs, declaring that he not only
gave his judgments with fairness, but also,
when any one was dissatisfied with his sen-
tence, made compensation to him out of his
own purse, and thus pacified his anger. Mycer-
inus had established his character for mildness,
and was acting as I have described, when the
stroke of calamity fell on him. First of all his
daughter died, the only child that he pos-
sessed. Experiencing a bitter grief at this visi-
tation, in his sorrow he conceived the wish to
entomb his child in some unusual way. He
therefore caused a cow to be made of wood,
and after the interior had been hollowed out,
he had the whole surface coated with gold;
and in this novel tomb laid the dead body of
his daughter.

130. The cow was not placed under ground,
but continued visible to my times: it was at
Sai's, in the royal palace, where it occupied a
chamber richly adorned. Every day there are
burnt before it aromatics of every kind; and
all night long a lamp is kept burning in the
apartment. In an adjoining chamber are stat-
ues which the priests at Sais declared to repre-
sent the various concubines of Mycerinus.
They are colossal figures in wood, of the num-
ber of about twenty, and are represented na-
ked. Whose images they really are, I cannot say
I can only repeat the account which was
given to me.

131. Concerning these colossal figures and
the sacred cow, there is also another tale nar-
rated, which runs thus: "Mycerinus was en-
amoured of his daughter, and offered her vio-
lence the damsel for grief hanged herself, and
Mycerinus entombed her in the cow. Then her
mother cut off the hands of all her tiring-maids,
because they had sided with the father, and
betrayed the child; and so the statues of the
maids have no hands." All this is mere fable in
my judgment, especially what is said about the
hands of the colossal statues. I could plainly
see that the figures had only lost their hands
through the effect of time. They had dropped
off, and were still lying on the ground about
the feet of the statues.

132. As for the cow, the greater portion of it
is hidden by a scarlet coverture; the head and
neck, however, which are visible, are coated
very thickly with gold, and between the horns

126-136]

THE HISTORY

there is a representation in gold of the orb of
the sun. The figure is not erect, but lying
down, with the limbs under the body; the di-
mensions being fully those of a large animal of
the kind. Every year it is taken from the apart-
ment where it is kept, and exposed to the light
of day this is done at the season when the
Egyptians beat themselves in honour of one of
their gods, whose name I am unwilling to
mention in connection with such a matter. 1
They say that the daughter of Mycerinus re-
quested her father in her dying moments to al-
low her once a year to see the sun.

133. After the death of his daughter, My-
cerinus was visited with a second calamity, of
which I shall now proceed to give an account.
An oracle reached him from the town of Buto,
which said, "Six years only shalt thou live upon
the earth, and in the seventh thou shalt end thy
days." Mycerinus, indignant, sent an angry
message to the oracle, reproaching the god
with his injustice u My father and uncle," he
said, "though they shut up the temples, took
no thought of the gods, and destroyed multi-
tudes of men, nevertheless enjoyed a long life;
I, who am pious, am to die so soon!" There
came in reply a second message from the ora-
cle "For this very reason is thy life brought
so quickly to a close thou hast not done as it
behoved thee. Egypt was fated to suffer afflic-
tion one hundred and fifty years the two
kings who preceded thee upon the throne un-
derstood this thou hast not understood it."
Mycerinus, when this answer reached him, per-
ceiving that his doom was fixed, had lamps pre-
pared, which he lighted every day at eventime,
and feasted and enjoyed himself unceasingly
both day and night, moving about in the
marsh-country and the woods, and visiting all
the places that he heard were agreeable so-
journs. His wish was to prove the oracle false,
by turning the nights into days, and so living
twelve years in the space of six.

134. He too left a pyramid, but much in-
ferior in size to his father's. It is a square, each
side of which falls short of three plethra by
twenty feet, and is built for half its height of
the stone of Ethiopia. Some of the Greeks call
it the work of Rhodopis the courtesan, but they
report falsely. It seems to me that these persons
cannot have any real knowledge who Rhodopis
was; otherwise they would scarcely have as-
cribed to her a work on which uncounted treas-
ures, so to speak, must have been expended.
Rhodopis also lived during the reign of Ama-

1 Osiris.

sis, not of Mycerinus, and was thus very many
years later than the time of the kings who built
the pyramids. She was a Thracian by birth, and
was the slave of ladmon, son of Hephaestopolis,
a Samian. ^Esop, the fable-writer, was one of
her fellow-slaves. That /Esop belonged to lad-
mon is proved by many facts among others,
by this. When the Delphians, in obedience to
the command of the oracle, made proclamation
that if any one claimed compensation for the
murder of ^Esop he should receive it, the per-
son who at last came forward was ladmon,
grandson of the former ladmon, and he re-
ceived the compensation. JEsop therefore must
certainly have been the former ladmon's slave.

135. Rhodopis really arrived in Egypt under
the conduct of Xantheus the Samian; she was
brought there to exercise her trade, but was re-
deemed for a vast sum by Charaxus, a Mytile-
naean, the son of Scamandronymus, and broth-
er of Sappho the poetess. After thus obtaining
her freedom, she remained in Egypt, and, as
she was very beautiful, amassed great wealth,
for a person in her condition; not, however,
enough to enable her to erect such a work as
this pyramid. Any one who likes may go and
see to what the tenth part of her wealth
amounted, and he will thereby learn that her
riches must not be imagined to have been very
wonderfully great. Wishing to leave a memori-
al of herself in Greece, she determined to have
something made the like of which was not to
be found in any temple, and to offer it at the
shrine at Delphi. So she set apart a tenth of
her possessions, and purchased with the money
a quantity of iron spits, such as are fit for roast-
ing oxen whole, whereof she made a present to
the oracle. They are still to be seen there, lying
of a heap, behind the altar which the Chians
dedicated, opposite the sanctuary. Naucratis
seems somehow to be the place where such
women are most attractive. First there was this
Rhodopis of whom we have been speaking, so
celebrated a person that her name came to be
familiar to all the Greeks; and, afterwards,
there was another, called Archidice', notorious
throughout Greece, though not so much
talked of as her predecessor. Charaxus, after
ransoming Rhodopis, returned to Mytilene,
and was often lashed by Sappho in her poetry.
But enough has been said on the subject of this
courtesan.

136. After Mycerinus, the priests said, Asy-
chis ascended the throne. He built the eastern
gateway of the temple of Vulcan, which in
size and beauty far surpasses the other three.

HERODOTUS

[BOOK n

All the four gateways have figures graven on
them, and a vast amount of architectural orna-
ment, but the gateway of Asychis is by far the
most richly adorned. In the reign of this king,
money being scarce and commercial dealings
straitened, a law was passed that the borrow-
er might pledge his father's body to raise the
sum whereof he had need. A proviso was ap-
pended to this law, giving the lender authority
over the entire sepulchre of the borrower, so
that a man who took up money under this
pledge, if he died without paying the debt,
could not obtain burial either in his own an-
cestral tomb, or in any other, nor could he dur-
ing his lifetime bury in his own tomb any
member of his family. The same king, desirous
of eclipsing all his predecessors upon the
throne, left as a monument of his reign a pyra-
mid of brick. It bears an inscription, cut in
stone, which runs thus: "Despise me not in
comparison with the stone pyramids; for I sur-
pass them all, as much as Jove surpasses the
other gods. A pole was plunged into a lake,
and the mud which clave thereto was gath-
ered; and bricks were made of the mud, and
so I was formed." Such were the chief actions
of this prince.

137. He was succeeded on the throne, they
said, by a blind man, a native of Anysis, whose
own name also was Anysis. Under him Egypt
was invaded by a vast army of Ethiopians, led
by Sabacos, their king. The blind Anysis fled
away to the marsh-country, and the Ethiopian
was lord of the land for fifty years, during
which his mode of rule was the following:
When an Egyptian was guilty of an oHence, his
plan was not to punish him with death: in-
stead of so doing, he sentenced him, according
to the nature of his crime, to raise the ground
to a greater or a less extent in the neighbour-
hood of the city to which he belonged. Thus
the cities came to be even more elevated than
they were before. As early as the time of Sesos-
tris, they had been raised by those who dug the
canals in his reign; this second elevation of
the soil under the Ethiopian king gave them a
very lofty position. Among the many cities
which thus attained to a great elevation, none
(I think) was raised so much as the town
called Bubastis, where there is a temple of the
goddess Bubastis, which well deserves to be de-
scribed. Other temples may be grander, and
may have cost more in the building, but there
is none so pleasant to the eye as this of Bubastis.
The Bubastis of the Egyptians is the same as
the Artemis (Diana) of the Greeks.

138. The following is a description of this
edifice: Excepting the entrance, the whole
forms an island. Two artificial channels from
the Nile, one on either side of the temple, en-
compass the building, leaving only a narrow
passage by which it is approached. These chan-
nels are each a hundred feet wide, and are
thickly shaded with trees. The gateway is sixty
feet in height, and is ornamented with figures
cut upon the stone, six cubits high and well
worthy of notice. The temple stands in the
middle of the city, and is visible on all sides as
one walks round it; for as the city has been
raised up by embankment, while the temple
has been left untouched in its original condi-
tion, you look down upon it wheresoever you
are. A low wall runs round the enclosure, hav-
ing figures engraved upon it, and inside there
is a grove of beautiful tall trees growing round
the shrine, which contains the image of the
goddess. The enclosure is a furlong in length,
and the same in breadth. The entrance to it is
by a road paved with stone for a distance of
about three furlongs, which passes straight
through the market-place with an easterly di-
rection, and is about four hundred feet in
width. Trees of an extraordinary height grow
on each side the road, which conducts from the
temple of Bubastis to that of Mercury.

139. The Ethiopian finally quitted Egypt,
the priests said, by a hasty flight under the fol-
lowing circumstances. He saw in his sleep a
vision: a man stood by his side, and coun-
selled him to gather together all the priests of
Egypt and cut every one of them asunder. On
this, according to the account which he himself
gave, it came into his mind that the gods in-
tended hereby to lead him to commit an act of
sacrilege, which would be sure to draw down
upon him some punishment either at the hands
of gods or men. So he resolved not to do the
deed suggested to him, but rather to retire from
Egypt, as the time during which it was fated
that he should hold the country had now (he
thought) expired. For before he left Ethiopia
he had been told by the oracles which are ven-
erated there, that he was to reign fifty years
over Egypt. The years were now fled, and the
dream had come to trouble him; he therefore
of his own accord withdrew from the land.

140. As soon as Sabacos was gone, the blind
king left the marshes, and resumed the gov-
ernment. He had lived in the marsh-region the
whole time, having formed for himself an is-
land there by a mixture of earth and ashes.
While he remained, the natives had orders to

THE HISTORY

bring him food unbeknown to the Ethiopian,
and latterly, at his request, each man had
brought him, with the food, a certain quantity
of ashes. Before Amyrtacus, no one was able to
discover the site of this island, which con-
tinued unknown to the kings of Egypt who
preceded him on the throne for the space of
seven hundred years and more. The name
which it bears is Elbo. It is about ten furlongs
across in each direction.

141. The next king, I was told, was a priest
of Vulcan, called Sethos. This monarch de-
spised and neglected the warrior class of the
Egyptians, as though he did not need their
services. Among other indignities which he
offered them, he took from them the lands
which they had possessed under all the prev-
ious kings, consisting of twelve acres of choice
land for each warrior. Afterwards, therefore,
when Sanacharib, king of the Arabians 1 and
Assyrians, marched his vast army into Egypt,
the warriors one and all refused to come to his
aid. On this the monarch, greatly distressed,
entered into the inner sanctuary, and, before
the image of the god, bewailed the fate which
impended over him. As he wept he fell asleep,
and dreamed that the god came and stood at
his side, bidding him be of good cheer, and go
boldly forth to meet the Arabian host, which
would do him no hurt, as he himself would
send those who should help him. Sethos, then,
relying on the dream, collected such of the
Egyptians as were willing to follow him, who
were none of them warriors, but traders, ar-
tisans, and market people; and with these
marched to Pelusium, which commands the
entrance into Egypt, and there pitched his
camp. As the two armies lay here opposite one
another, there came in the night, a multitude
of field-mice, which devoured all the quivers
and bowstrings of the enemy, and ate the
thongs by which they managed their shields.
Next morning they commenced their fight,
and great multitudes fell, as they had no arms

1 It is curious to find Sennacherib called the
"king of the Arabians and Assyrians an order
of words which seems even to regard him as
rather an Arabian than an Assyrian king. In the
same spirit his army is termed afterwards "the
Arabian host." It is impossible altogether to de-
fend the view which Herodotus here discloses,
but we may understand how such a mistake was
possible, if we remember how Arabians were
mixed up with other races in Lower Mesopotamia
and what an extensive influence a great Assyrian
king would exercise over the tribes of the desert,
especially those bordering on Mesopotamia.

with which to defend themselves. There stands
to this day in the temple of Vulcan, a stone
statue of Seth6s, with a mouse in his hand, and
an inscription to this effect "Look on me, and
learn to reverence the gods.*'

142. Thus far I have spoken on the authority
of the Egyptians and their priests. They de-
clare that from their first king to this last-
mentioned monarch, the priest of Vulcan, was
a period of three hundred and forty-one genera-
tions; such, at least, they say, was the number
both of their kings, and of their high-priests,
during this interval. Now three hundred gen-
erations of men make ten thousand years, three
generations filling up the century; and the re-
maining forty-one generations make thirteen
hundred and forty years. Thus the whole num-
ber of years is eleven thousand, three hundred
and forty; ini which entire space, they said, no
god had ever appeared in a human form; noth-
ing of this kind had happened either under the
former or under the later Egyptian kings. The
sun, however, had within this period of time,
on four several occasions, moved from his
wonted course, twice rising where he now sets,
and twice setting where he now rises. Egypt
was in no degree affected by these changes; the
productions of the land, and of the river, re-
mained the same; nor was there anything un-
usual cither in the diseases or the deaths.

143. When Hecatacus the historian was at
Thebes, and, discoursing of his genealogy,
traced his descent to a god in the person of his
sixteenth ancestor, the priests of Jupiter did to
him exactly as they afterwards did to me,
though I made no boast of my family. They led
me into the inner sanctuary, which is a spacious
chamber, and showed me a multitude of co-
lossal statues^ in wood, which they counted up,
and found to amount to the exact number they
had said; the custom being for every high-
priest during his lifetime to set up his statue in
the temple. As they showed me the figures and
reckoned them up, they assured me that each
was the son of the one preceding him; and this
they repeated throughout the whole line, be-
ginning with the representation of the priest
last deceased, and continuing till they had com-
pleted the series. When Hecataeus, in giving his
genealogy, mentioned a god as his sixteenth
ancestor, the priests opposed their genealogy
to his, going through this list, and refusing to
allow that any man was ever born of a god.
Their colossal figures were each, they said, a
Piromis, born of a Pir6mis, and the number of
them was three hundred and forty-five; through

HERODOTUS

[BOOK n

the whole series Pir6mis followed Pir6mis, and
the line did not run up either to a god or a
hero. The word Pirdmis may be rendered "gen-
tleman/*

144. Of such a nature were, they said, the
beings represented by these images they were
very far indeed from being gods. However, in
the times anterior to them it was otherwise;
then Egypt had gods for its rulers, who dwelt
upon the earth with men, one being always
supreme above the rest. The last of these was
Horus, the son of Osiris, called by the Greeks
Apollo. He deposed Typhon, and ruled over
Egypt as its last god-king. Osiris is named Di-
onysus (Bacchus) by the Greeks.

145. The Greeks regard Hercules, Bacchus,
and Pan as the youngest of the gods. With the
Egyptians, contrariwise, Pan is exceedingly
ancient, and belongs to those whom they call
"the eight gods," who existed before the rest.
Hercules is one of the gods of the second order,
who are known as "the twelve"; and Bacchus
belongs to the gods of the third order, whom
the twelve produced. I have already mentioned
how many years intervened according to the
Egyptians between the birth of Hercules and
the reign of Amasis. From Pan to this period
they count a still longer time; and even from
Bacchus, who is the youngest of the three, they
reckon fifteen thousand years to the reign of
that king. In these matters they say they can-
not be mistaken, as they have always kept
count of the years, and noted them in their reg-
isters. But from the present day to the time of
Bacchus, the reputed son of Semele, daughter
of Cadmus, is a period of not more than six-
teen hundred years; to that of Hercules, son of
Alcmena, is about nine hundred; while to the
time of Pan, son of Penelope* (Pan, according
to the Greeks, was her child by Mercury), is
a shorter space than to the Trojan war, eight
hundred years or thereabouts,

146. It is open to all to receive whichever he
may prefer of these two traditions; my own
opinion about them has been already declared.
If indeed these gods had been publicly known,
and had grown old in Greece, as was the case
with Hercules, son of Amphitryon, Bacchus,
son of Semete, and Pan, son of Penelop, it
might have been said that the last-mentioned
personages were men who bore the names of
certain previously existing deities. But Bac-
chus, according to the Greek tradition, was no
sooner born than he was sewn up in Jupiter's
thigh, and carried off to Nysa, above Egypt, in
Ethiopia; and as to Pan, they do not even pro-

fess to know what happened to him after his
birth. To me, therefore, it is quite manifest
that the names of these gods became known to
the Greeks after those of their other deities,
and that they count their birth from the time
when they first acquired a knowledge of them.
Thus far my narrative rests on the accounts
given by the Egyptians.

147. In what follows I have the authority,
not of the Egyptians only, but of others also
who agree with them. I shall speak likewise in
part from my own observation. When the
Egyptians regained their liberty after the reign
of the priest of Vulcan, unable to continue any
while without a king, they divided Egypt into
twelve districts, and set twelve kings over
them. These twelve kings, united together by
intermarriages, ruled Egypt in peace, having
entered into engagements with one another
not to depose any of their number, nor to aim
at any aggrandisement of one above the rest,
but to dwell together in perfect amity. Now the
reason why they made these stipulations, and
guarded with care against their infraction, was
because at the very first establishment of the
twelve kingdoms an oracle had declared
"That he among them who should pour in
Vulcan's temple a libation from a cup of
bronze would become monarch of the whole
land of Egypt." Now the twelve held their
meetings at all the temples.

148. To bind themselves yet more closely to-
gether, it seemed good to them to leave a com-
mon monument. In pursuance of this resolu-
tion they made the Labyrinth which lies a little
above Lake Moeris, in the neighbourhood of
the place called the city of Crocodiles. I visited
this place, and found it to surpass description;
for if all the walls and other great works of the
Greeks could be put together in one, they
would not equal, either for labour or expense,
this Labyrinth; and yet the temple of Ephesus
is a building worthy of note, and so is the tem-
ple of Samos. The pyramids likewise surpass
description, and are severally equal to a num-
ber of the greatest works of the Greeks, but the
Labyrinth surpasses the pyramids. It has twelve
courts, all of them roofed, with gates exactly
opposite one another, six looking to the north,
and six to the south. A single wall surrounds
the entire building. There are two different
sorts of chambers throughout half under
ground, half above ground, the latter built
upon the former; the whole number of these
chambers is three thousand, fifteen hundred of
each kind. The upper chambers I myself passed

144-15*1

THE HISTORY

through and saw, and what I say concerning
them is from my own observation; of the un-
derground chambers I can only speak from re-
port: for the keepers of the building could not
be got to show them, since they contained (as
they said) the sepulchres of the kings who built
the Labyrinth, and also those of the sacred
crocodiles. Thus it is from hearsay only that I
can speak of the lower chambers. The upper
chambers, however, I saw with my own eyes,
and found them to excel all other human pro-
ductions; for the passages through the houses,
and the varied windings of the paths across the
courts excited in me infinite admiration as I
passed from the courts into chambers, and from
the chambers into colonnades, and from the
colonnades into fresh houses, and again from
these into courts unseen before. The roof was
throughout of stone, like the walls; and the
walls were carved all over with figures; every
court was surrounded with a colonnade which
was built of white stones exquisitely fitted to-
gether. At the corner of the Labyrinth stands
a pyramid, forty fathoms high, with large fig-
ures engraved on it, which is entered by a
subterranean passage.

149. Wonderful as is the Labyrinth, the
work called the Lake of Mceris, which is close
by the Labyrinth, is yet more astonishing. The
measure of its circumference is sixty schoenes,
or three thousand six hundred furlongs, which
is equal to the entire length of Egypt along the
sea-coast. The lake stretches in its longest direc-
tion from north to south, and in its deepest
parts is of the depth of fifty fathoms. It is man-
ifestly an artificial excavation, for nearly in the
centre there stand two pyramids, rising to the
height of fifty fathoms above the surface of the
water, and extending as far beneath, crowned
each of them with a colossal statue sitting upon
a throne. Thus these pyramids are one hun-
dred fathoms high, which is exactly a furlong
(stadium) of six hundred feet: the fathom be-
ing six feet in length, or four cubits, which is
the same thing, since a cubit measures six, and
a foot four, palms. The water of the lake does
not come out of the ground, which is here ex-
cessively dry, but is introduced by a canal from
the Nile. The current sets for six months into
the lake from the river, and for the next six
months into the river from the lake. While it
runs outward it returns a talent of silver daily
to the royal treasury from the fish that are
taken, but when the current is the other way
the return sinks to one-third of that sum.

150. The natives told me that there was a

subterranean passage from this lake to the Lib-
yan Syrtis, running westward into the interior
by the hills above Memphis. As I could not
anywhere see the earth which had been taken
out when the excavation was made, and I was
curious to know what had become of it, I asked
the Egyptians who live closest to the lake
where the earth had been put. The answer that
they gave me I readily accepted as true, since I
had heard of the same thing being done at
Nineveh of the Assyrians. There, once upon a
time, certain thieves, having formed a plan to
get into their possession the vast treasures of
Sardanapalus, the Ninevite king, which were
laid up in subterranean treasuries, proceeded
to tunnel a passage from the house where they
lived into the royal palace, calculating the dis-
tance and the direction. At nightfall they took
the earth from the excavation and carried it to
the river Tigris, which ran by Nineveh, con-
tinuing to get rid of it in this manner until they
had accomplished their purpose. It was exactly
in the same way that the Egyptians disposed of
the mould from their excavation, except that
they did it by day and not by night; for as fast
as the earth was dug, they carried it to the
Nile, which they knew would disperse it far
and wide. Such was the account which I re-
ceived of the formation of this lake.

151. The twelve kings for some time dealt
honourably by one another, but at length it
happened that on a certain occasion, when they
had met to worship in the temple of Vulcan,
the high-priest on the last day of the festival,
in bringing forth the golden goblets from
which they were wont to pour the libations,
mistook the number and brought eleven gob-
lets only for the twelve princes. Psammetichus
was standing last, and, being left without a
cup, he took his helmet, which was of bronze,
from of? his head, stretched it out to receive the
liquor, and so made his libation. All the kings
were accustomed to wear helmets, and all in-
deed wore them at this very time. Nor was
there any crafty design in the action of Psam-
metichus. The eleven, however, when they
came to consider what had been done, and be-
thought them of the oracle which had declared
"that he who, of the twelve, should pour a
libation from a cup of bronze, the same would
be king of the whole land of Egypt," doubted
at first if they should not put Psammetichus to
death. Finding, however, upon examination,
that he had acted in the matter without any
guilty intent, they did not think it would be
just to kill him; but determined, instead, to

HERODOTUS

[BOOK H

strip him of the chief part of his power and to
banish him to the marshes, forbidding him to
leave them or to hold any communication with
the rest of Egypt.

152. This was the second time that Psam-
metichus had been driven into banishment. On
a former occasion he had fled from Sabacos
the Ethiopian, who had put his father Necos
to death; and had taken refuge in Syria from
whence, after the retirement of the Ethiop in
consequence of his dream, he was brought
back by the Egyptians of the Sai'tic canton.
Now it was his ill-fortune to be banished a sec-
ond time by the eleven kings, on account of the
libation which he had poured from his helmet;
on this occasion he fled to the marshes. Feeling
that he was an injured man, and designing to
avenge himself upon his persecutors, Psam-
metichus sent to the city of Buto, where there
is an oracle of Latona, the most veracious of all
the oracles of the Egyptians, and having in-
quired concerning means of vengeance, re-
ceived for answer that "Vengeance would
come from the sea, when brazen men should
appear." Great was his incredulity when this
answer arrived, for never, he thought, would
brazen men arrive to be his helpers. However,
not long afterwards certain Carians and loni-
ans, who had left their country on a voyage of
plunder, were carried by stress of weather to
Egypt where they disembarked, all equipped
in their brazen armour, and were seen by the
natives, one of whom carried the tidings to
Psammetichus, and, as he had never before
seen men clad in brass, he reported that brazen
men had come from the sea and were plunder-
ing the plain. Psammetichus, perceiving at
once that the oracle was accomplished, made
friendly advances to the strangers, and engaged
them, by splendid promises, to enter into his
service. He then, with their aid and that of the
Egyptians who espoused his cause, attacked the
eleven and vanquished them.

153. When Psammetichus had thus become
sole monarch of Egypt, he built the southern
gateway of the temple of Vulcan in Memphis,
and also a court for Apis, in which Apis is kept
whenever he makes his appearance in Egypt.
This court is opposite the gateway of Psam-
metichus, and is surrounded with a colonnade
and adorned with a multitude of figures. In-
stead of pillars, the colonnade rests upon co-
lossal statues, twelve cubits in height. The
Greek name for Apis is Epaphus.

154. To the lonians and Carians who had
lent him their assistance Psammetichus as-

signed as abodes two places opposite to each
other, one on either side of the Nile, which re-
ceived the name of "the Camps." He also made
good all the splendid promises by which he had
gained their support; and further, he intrusted
to their care certain Egyptian children whom
they were to teach the language of the Greeks.
These children, thus instructed, became the
parents of the entire class of interpreters in
Egypt. The lonians and Carians occupied for
many years the places assigned them by Psam-
metichus, which lay near the sea, a little below
the city of Bubastis, on the Pelusiac mouth of
the Nile. King Amasis long afterwards re-
moved the Greeks hence, and settled them at
Memphis to guard him against the native
Egyptians. From the date of the original set-
tlement of these persons in Egypt, we Greeks,
through our intercourse with them, have ac-
quired an accurate knowledge of the several
events in Egyptian history, from the reign of
Psammetichus downwards; but before his time
no foreigners had ever taken up their residence
in that land. The docks where their vessels
were laid up and the ruins of their habita-
tions were still to be seen in my day at the
place where they dwelt originally, before they
were removed by Amasis. Such was the mode
by which Psammetichus became master of
Egypt.

155. 1 have already made mention more than
once of the Egyptian oracle, and, as it well de-
serves notice, I shall now proceed to give an
account of it more at length. It is a temple of
Latona, situated in the midst of a great city on
the Sebennytic mouth of the Nile, at some dis-
tance up the river from the sea. The name of
the city, as I have before observed, is Buto; and
in it are two other temples also, one of Apollo
and one of Diana. Latona's temple, which con-
tains the oracle, is a spacious building with a
gateway ten fathoms in height. The most won-
derful thing that was actually to be seen about
this temple was a chapel in the enclosure made
of a single stone, the length and height of
which were the same, each wall being forty
cubits square, and the whole a single block!
Another block of stone formed the roof and
projected at the eaves to the extent of four cu-
bits.

156. This, as I have said, was what aston-
ished me the most, of all the things that were
actually to be seen about the temple. The next
greatest marvel was the island called Chem-
mis. This island lies in the middle of a broad
and deep lake close by the temple, and the

152-160]

THE HISTORY

natives declare that it floats. For my own part
I did not see it float, or even move; and I won-
dered greatly, when they told me concerning
it, whether there be really such a thing as a
floating island. It has a grand temple of Apollo
built upon it, in which are three distinct altars.
Palm trees grow on it in great abundance, and
many other trees, some of which bear fruit,
while others are barren. The Egyptians tell the
following story in connection with this island,
to explain the way in which it first came to
float: "In former times, when the isle was
still fixed and motionless, Latona, one of the
eight gods of the first order, who dwelt in the
city of Buto, where now she has her oracle, re-
ceived Apollo as a sacred charge from Isis, and
saved him by hiding him in what is now called
the floating island. Typhon meanwhile was
searching everywhere in hopes of finding the
child of Osiris." (According to the Egyptians,
Apollo and Diana are the children of Bacchus
and Isis, while Latona is their nurse and their
preserver. They call Apollo, in their language,
Horus; Ceres they call Isis; Diana, Bubastis.
From this Egyptian tradition, and from no
other, it must have been that ^schylus, the son
of Euphorion, took the idea, which is found in
none of the earlier poets, of making Diana the
daughter of Ceres.) The island, therefore, in
consequence of this event, was first made to
float. Such at least is the account which the
Egyptians give.

157. Psammetichus ruled Egypt for fifty-
four years, during twenty-nine of which he
pressed the siege of Azotus without intermis-
sion, till finally he took the place. Azotus is a
great town in Syria. Of all the cities that we
know, none ever stood so long a siege.

158. Psammetichus left a son called Necos,
who succeeded him upon the throne. This
prince was the first to attempt the construction
of the canal to the Red Sea a work completed
afterwards by Darius the Persian the length
of which is four days' journey, and the width
such as to admit of two triremes being rowed
along it abreast. The water is derived from the
Nile, which the canal leaves a little above the
city of Bubastis, near Patftmus, the Arabian
town, being continued thence until it joins the
Red Sea. At first it is carried along the Arabian
side of the Egyptian plain, as far as the chain
of hills opposite Memphis, whereby the plain
is bounded, and in which lie the great stone
quarries; here it skirts the base of the hills run-
ning in a direction from west to east, after
which it turns and enters a narrow pass, trend-

ing southwards from this point until it enters
the Arabian Gulf. From the northern sea to
that which is called the southern or Erythraean,
the shortest and quickest passage, which is
from Mount Casius, the boundary between
Egypt and Syria, to the Gulf of Arabia, is a dis-
tance of exactly one thousand furlongs. But the
way by the canal is very much longer on ac-
count of the crookedness of its course. A hun-
dred and twenty thousand of the Egyptians,
employed upon the work in the reign of Necos,
lost their lives in making the excavation. He at
length desisted from his undertaking, in con-
sequence of an oracle which warned him "that
he was labouring for the barbarian." The
Egyptians call by the name of barbarians all
such as speak a language different from their
own.

159. Necos, when he gave up the construc-
tion of the canal, turned all his thoughts to war,
and set to work to build a fleet of triremes,
some intended for service in the northern sea,
and some for the navigation of the Erythraean.
These last were built in the Arabian Gulf
where the dry docks in which they lay are still
visible. These fleets he employed wherever he
had occasion, while he also made war by land
upon the Syrians and defeated them in a
pitched battle at Magdolus, after which he
made himself master of Cadytis, a large city of
Syria. The dress which he wore on these occa-
sions he sent to Branchidae in Milesia, as an
offering to Apollo. After having reigned in
all sixteen years, Necos died, and at his death
bequeathed the throne to his son Psammis.

1 60. In the reign of Psammis, ambassadors
from Elis arrived in Egypt, boasting that their
arrangements for the conduct of the Olympic
Games were the best and fairest that could be
devised, and fancying that not even the Egyp-
tians, who surpassed all other nations in wis-
dom, could add anything to their perfection.
When these persons reached Egypt, and ex-
plained the reason of their visit, the king sum-
moned an assembly of all the wisest of the
Egyptians. They met, and the Eleans having
given them a full account of all their rules and
regulations with respect to the contests said
that they had come to Egypt for the express
purpose of learning whether the Egyptians
could improve the fairness of their regulations
in any particular. The Egyptians considered
awhile and then made inquiry, "If they al-
lowed their own citizens to enter the lists?"
The Eleans answered, "That the lists were
open to all Greeks, whether they belonged to

HERODOTUS

Elis or to any other state." Hereupon the
Egyptians observed, "That if this were so, they
departed from justice very widely, since it was
impossible but that they would favour their
own countrymen and deal unfairly by for-
eigners. If therefore they really wished to man-
age the games with fairness, and if this was the
object of their coming to Egypt, they advised
them to confine the contests to strangers, and
allow no native of Elis to be a candidate." Such
was the advice which the Egyptians gave to the
Eleans.

161. Psammis reigned only six years. He
attacked Ethiopia, and died almost directly
afterwards. Aprics, his son, succeeded him
upon the throne, who, excepting Psammeti-
chus, his great-grandfather, was the most pros-
perous of all the kings that ever ruled over
Egypt. The length of his reign was twenty-five
years, and in the course of it he marched an
army to attack Sidon, and fought a battle with
the king of Tyre by sea. When at length the
time came that was fated to bring him woe, an
occasion arose which I shall describe more fully
in my Libyan history, only touching it very
briefly here. An army despatched by Apries to
attack Cyrene, having met with a terrible re-
verse, the Egyptians laid the blame on him,
imagining that he had, of malice prepense,
sent the troops into the jaws of destruction.
They believed he had wished a vast number of
them to be slain in order that he himself
might reign with more security over the rest
of the Egyptians. Indignant therefore at this
usage, the soldiers who returned and the
friends of the slain broke instantly into revolt.

162. Apries, on learning these circumstances,
sent Amasis to the rebels to appease the tumult
by persuasion. Upon his arrival, as he was seek-
ing to restrain the malcontents by his exhorta-
tions, one of them, coming behind him, put a
helmet on his head, saying, as he put it on, that
he thereby crowned him king. Amasis was not
altogether displeased at the action, as his con-
duct soon made manifest; for no sooner had the
insurgents agreed to make him actually their
king than he prepared to march with them
against Apries. That monarch, on tidings of
these events reaching him, sent Patarbemis,
one of his courtiers, a man of high rank, to
Amasis with orders to bring him alive into
his presence. Patarbemis, on arriving at the
place where Amasis was, called on him to come
back with him to the king, whereupon Amasis
broke a coarse jest, and said, "Prythee take
that back to thy master." When the envoy, not-

[BOOK ii

withstanding this reply, persisted in his re-
quest, exhorting Amasis to obey the summons
of the king, he made answer "that this was
exactly what he had long been intending to do;
Apries would have no reason to complain of
him on the score of delay; he would shortly
come himself to the king, and bring others
with him/* Patarbemis, upon this, compre-
hending the intention of Amasis, partly from
his replies and partly from the preparations
which he saw in progress, departed hastily,
wishing to inform the king with all speed of
what was going on. Apries, however, when he
saw him approaching without Amasis, fell
into a paroxysm of rage, and not giving him-
self time for reflection, commanded the nose
and ears of Patarbemis to be cut off. Then the
rest of the Egyptians, who had hitherto es-
poused the cause of Apries, when they saw a
man of such note among them so shamefully
outraged, without a moment's hesitation went
over to the rebels, and put themselves at the
disposal of Amasis.

163. Apries, informed of this new calamity,
armed his mercenaries, and led them against
the Egyptians: this was a body of Carians and
lonians, numbering thirty thousand men,
which was now with him at Sai's, where his
palace stood a vast building, well worthy of
notice. The army of Apries marched out to
attack the host of the Egyptians, while that of
Amasis went forth to fight the strangers; and
now both armies drew near the city of Mo-
memphis and prepared for the coming fight.

164. The Egyptians are divided into seven
distinct classes these are, the priests, the war-
riors, the cowherds, the swineherds, the trades-
men, the interpreters, and the boatmen. Their
titles indicate their occupations. The warriors
consist of Hermotybians and Calasirians, who
come from different cantons, the whole of
Egypt being parcelled out into districts bearing
this name.

165. The following cantons furnish the
Hermotybians: The cantons of Busiris, Sai's,
Chemmis, Papremis, that of the island called
Prosopitis, and half of Natho. They number,
when most numerous, a hundred and sixty
thousand. None of them ever practices a trade,
but all are given wholly to war.

1 66. The cantons of the Calasirians are dif-
ferent they include the following: The can-
tons of Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Men-
des, Sebennytus, Athribis, Pharbxthus, Th-
muis, Onuphis, Anysis, and Myecphoris this
last canton consists of an island which lies over

161-172]

THE HISTORY

against the town of Bubastis. The Calasirians,
when at their greatest number, have amount-
ed to two hundred and fifty thousand. Like
the Hermotybians, they are forbidden to pur-
sue any trade, and devote themselves entirely
to warlike exercises, the son following the
father's calling.

167. Whether the Greeks borrowed from the
Egyptians their notions about trade, like so
many others, I cannot say for certain. I have
remarked that the Thracians, the Scyths, the
Persians, the Lydians, and almost all other bar-
barians, hold the citizens who practice trades,
and their children, in less repute than the rest,
while they esteem as noble those who keep
aloof from handicrafts, and especially honour
such as are given wholly to war. These ideas
prevail throughout the whole of Greece, par-
ticularly among the Lacedaemonians. Corinth
is the place where mechanics are least despised.

1 68. The warrior class in Egypt had certain
special privileges in which none of the rest of
the Egyptians participated, except the priests.
In the first place each man had twelve arura 1
of land assigned him free from tax. (The arura
is a square of a hundred Egyptian cubits, the
Egyptian cubit being of the same length as the
Samian.) All the warriors enjoyed this priv-
ilege together, but there were other advantages
which came to each in rotation, the same man
never obtaining them twice. A thousand Cal-
asirians, and the same number of Hermoty-
bians, formed in alternate years the body-guard
of the king; and during their year of service
these persons, besides their arurce, received a
daily portion of meat and drink, consisting of
five pounds of baked bread, two pounds of
beef, and four cups of wine.

169. When Apries, at the head of his mer-
cenaries, and Amasis, in command of the
whole native force of the Egyptians, encount-
ered one another near the city of Momemphis,
an engagement presently took place. The for-
eign troops fought bravely, but were over-
powered by numbers, in which they fell very
far short of their adversaries. It is said that Ap-
ries believed that there was not a god who
could cast him down from his eminence, so
firmly did he think that he had established
himself in his kingdom. But at this time the
battle went against him, and his army being
worsted, he fell into the enemy's hands and
was brought back a prisoner to Sais, where he
was lodged in what had been his own house,

1 The arura was a little more than three-fourths
of an English acre, and was only a land measure.

but was now the palace of Amasis. Amasis
treated him with kindness, and kept him in
the palace for a while; but finding his conduct
blamed by the Egyptians, who charged him
with acting unjustly in preserving a man who
had shown himself so bitter an enemy both to
them and him, he gave Apries over into the
hands of his former subjects, to deal with as
they chose. Then the Egyptians took him and
strangled him, but having so done they buried
him in the sepulchre of his fathers. This tomb
is in the temple of Minerva, very near the sanc-
tuary, on the left hand as one enters. The Saites
buried all the kings who belonged to their can-
ton inside this temple; and thus it even con-
tains the tomb of Amasis, as well as that of Ap-
ries and his family. The latter is not so close to
the sanctuary as the former, but still it is with-
in the temple. It stands in the court, and is a
spacious cloister built of stone and adorned
with pillars carved so as to resemble palm trees,
and with other sumptuous ornaments. Within
the cloister is a chamber with folding doors, be-
hind which lies the sepulchre of the king.

170. Here too, in this same precinct of Mi-
nerva at Sai's, is the burial-place of one whom
I think it not right to mention in such a con-
nection. 2 It stands behind the temple, against
the backwall, which it entirely covers. There
are also some large stone obelisks in the en-
closure, and there is a lake near them, adorned
with an edging of stone. In form it is circular,
and in size, as it seemed to me, about equal to
the lake in Delos called "the Hoop."

171. On this lake it is that the Egyptians rep-
resent by night his sufferings whose name I re-
frain from mentioning, and this representation
they call their Mysteries. I know well the whole
course of the proceedings in these ceremonies,
but they shall not pass my lips. So too, with re-
gard to the mysteries of Ceres, which the
Greeks term "the Thcsmophoria," I know
them, but I shall not mention them, except so
far as may be done without impiety. The
daughters of Danaus brought these rites from
Egypt, and taught them to the Pelasgic women
of the Peloponnese. Afterwards, when the in-
habitants of the peninsula were driven from
their homes by the Dorians, the rites perished.
Only in Arcadia, where the natives remained
and were not compelled to migrate, their ob-
servance continued.

172. After Apries had been put to death in
the way that I have described above, Amasis
reigned over Egypt. He belonged to the can-

2 Osiris.

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK ii

ton of Sai's, being a native of the town called
Siouph. At first his subjects looked down on
him and held him in small esteem, because he
had been a mere private person, and of a house
of no great distinction; but after a time Amasis
succeeded in reconciling them to his rule, not
by severity, but by cleverness. Among his other
splendour he had a golden foot-pan, in which
his guests and himself were wont upon occa-
sion to wash their feet. This vessel he caused to
be broken in pieces, and made of the gold an
image of one of the gods, which he set up in
the most public place in the whole city; upon
which the Egyptians flocked to the image, and
worshipped it with the utmost reverence. Ama-
sis, finding this was so, called an assembly, and
opened the matter to them, explaining how the
image had been made of the foot-pan, wherein
they had been wont formerly to wash their feet
and to put all manner of filth, yet now it was
greatly reverenced. "And truly," he went on to
say, "it had gone with him as with the foot-
pan. If he was a private person formerly, yet
now he had come to be their king. And so he
bade them honour and reverence him." Such
was the mode in which he won over the Egyp-
tians, and brought them to be content to do
him service.

173. The following was the general habit of
his life: from early dawn to the time when
the forum is wont to fill, he sedulously trans-
acted all the business that was brought before
him; during the remainder of the day he drank
and joked with his guests, passing the time in
witty and, sometimes, scarce seemly conversa-
tion. It grieved his friends that he should thus
demean himself, and accordingly some of them
chid him on the subject, saying to him "Oh!
king, thou dost but ill guard thy royal dignity
whilst thou allowest thyself in such levities.
Thou shouldest sit in state upon a stately
throne, and busy thyself with affairs the whole
day long. So would the Egyptians feel that a
great man rules them, and thou wouldst be bet-
ter spoken of. But now thou conductest thy-
self in no kingly fashion." Amasis answered
them thus: "Bowmen bend their bows when
they wish to shoot; unbrace them when the
shoot'ng is over. Were they kept always strung
they would break, and fail the archer in time
of need. So it is with men. If they give them-
selves constantly to serious work, and never in-
dulge awhile in pastime or sport, they lose their
senses, and become mad or moody. Know-
ing this, I divide my life between pastime
and business." Thus he answered his friends.

174. It is said that Amasis, even while he
was a private man, had the same tastes for
drinking and jesting, and was averse to engag-
ing in any serious employment. He lived in
constant feasts and revelries, and whenever his
means failed him, he roamed about and robbed
people. On such occasions the persons from
whom he had stolen would bring him, if he
denied the charge, before the nearest oracle;
sometimes the oracle would pronounce him
guilty of the theft, at other times it would ac-
quit him. When afterwards he came to be
king, he neglected the temples of such gods
as had declared that he was not a thief, and
neither contributed totheir adornment nor
frequented them for sacrifice, since he regard-
ed them as utterly worthless and their oracles
as wholly false: but the gods who had detected
his guilt he considered to be true gods whose
oracles did not deceive, and these he honoured
exceedingly.

175. First of all, therefore, he built the gate-
way of the temple of Minerva at Sais, which is
an astonishing work, far surpassing all other
buildings of the same kind both in extent and
height, and built with stones of rare size and
excellency. In the next place, he presented to
the temple a number of large colossal statues
and several prodigious andro-sphinxes, besides
certain stones for the repairs, of a most extraor-
dinary size. Some of these he got from the
quarries over against Memphis, but the largest
were brought from Elephantine, which is
twenty days' voyage from Sai's. Of all these
wonderful masses that which I most admire is
a chamber made of a single stone, which was
quarried at Elephantine. It took three years to
convey this block from the quarry to Sai's; and
in the conveyance were employed no fewer
than two thousand labourers, who were all
from the class of boatmen. The length of this
chamber on the outside is twenty-one cubits, its
breadth fourteen cubits, and its height, eight.
The measurements inside are the following:
the length, eighteen cubits and five-sixths; the
breadth, twelve cubits; and the height, five. It
lies near the entrance of the temple, where it
was left in consequence of the following cir-
cumstance: it happened that the architect,
just as the stone had reached the spot where it
now stands, heaved a sigh, considering the
length of time that the removal had taken, and
feeling wearied with the heavy toil. The sigh
was heard by Amasis who, regarding it as an
omen, would not allow the chamber to be
moved forward any farther. Some, however,

THE HISTORY

say that one of the workmen engaged at the
levers was crushed and killed by the mass, and
that this was the reason of its being left where
it now stands.

176. To the other temples of much note
Amasis also made magnificent offerings at
Memphis, for instance, he gave the recumbent
colossus in front of the temple of Vulcan,
which is seventy-five feet long. Two other co-
lossal statues stand on the same base, each
twenty feet high, carved in the stone of Ethi-
opia, one on either side of the temple. There
is also a stone colossus of the same size at Sai's,
recumbent like that at Memphis. Amasis final-
ly built the temple of Isis at Memphis, a vast
structure, well worth seeing.

177. It is said that the reign of Amasis was
the most prosperous time that Egypt ever saw,
the river was more liberal to the land, and
the land brought forth more abundantly for
the service of man than had ever been known
before; while the number of inhabited cities
was not less than twenty thousand. It was this
king Amasis who established the law that
every Egyptian should appear once a year
before the governor of his canton, and show
his means of living; or, failing to do so,
and to prove that he got an honest livelihood,
should be put to death. Solon the Athenian
borrowed this law from the Egyptians, and
imposed it on his countrymen, who have ob-
served it ever since. It is indeed an excellent
custom.

178. Amasis was partial to the Greeks, and
among other favours which he granted them,
gave to such as liked to settle in Egypt the city
of Naucratis for their residence. To those who
only wished to trade upon the coast, and did
not want to fix their abode in the country, he
granted certain lands where they might set up
altars and erect temples to the gods. Of these
temples the grandest and most famous, which
is also the most frequented, is that called "the
Hellenium." It Was built conjointly by the lo-
nians, Dorians, and yEolians, the following
cities taking part in the work: the Ionian
states of Chios, Teos, Phocaea, and Clazomenae;
Rhodes, Cnidus,Halicarnassus,and Phaselis of
the Dorians; and Mytilene of the ^Eolians.
These are the states to whom the temple be-
longs, and they have the right of appointing
the governors of the factory; the other cities
which claim a share in the building, claim
what in no sense belongs to them. Three na-
tions, however, consecrated for themselves sep-
arate temples the Eginetans one to Jupiter,

the Samians to Juno, and the Milesians to
Apollo.

179. In ancient times there was no factory
but Naucratis in the whole of Egypt; and if a
person entered one of the other mouths of the
Nile, he was obliged to swear that he had not
come there of his own free will. Having so
done, he was bound to sail in his ship to the
Canobic mouth, or were that impossible ow-
ing to contrary winds, he must take his wares
by boat all round the Delta, and so bring them
to Naucratis, which had an exclusive privilege.

1 80. It happened in the reign of Amasis that
the temple of Delphi had been accidentally
burnt, and the Amphictyons had contracted to
have it rebuilt for three hundred talents, of
which sum one-fourth was to be furnished by
the Dclphians. Under these circumstances the
Delphians went from city to city begging con-
tributions, and among their other wanderings
came to Egypt and asked for help. From few
other places did they obtain so much Amasis
gave them a thousand talents of alum, and the
Greek settlers twenty minae. 1

181. A league was concluded by Amasis
with the Cyrcnaeans, by which Gyrene* and
Egypt became close friends and allies. He like-
wise took a wife from that city, either as a sign
of his friendly feeling, or because he had a
fancy to marry a Greek woman. However this
may be, certain it is that he espoused a lady of
Gyrene, by name Ladice*, daughter, some say,
of Battus or Arcesilaiis, the king others, of
Critobulus, one of the chief citizens. When the
time came to complete the contract, Amasis
was struck with weakness. Astonished hercat
for he was not wont to be so afflicted the
king thus addressed his bride: " Woman, thou
hast certainly bewitched me now therefore
be sure thou shalt perish more miserably than
ever woman perished yet/' Ladice protested
her innocence, but in vain; Amasis was not
softened. Hereupon she made a vow internal-
ly, that if he recovered within the day (for no
longer time was allowed her), she would pre-
sent a statue to the temple of Venus at Gyrene.
Immediately she obtained her wish, and the
king's weakness disappeared. Amasis loved
her greatly ever after, and Ladice performed
her vow. The statue which she caused to be
made, and sent to Gyrene, continued there to
my day, standing with its face looking out-
wards from the city. Ladice herself, when Cam-

1 Twenty minae would be somewhat more than
80. The entire sum which the Delphians had to
collect exceeded 18,000.

HERODOTUS

byses conquered Egypt, suffered no wrong;
for Cambyses, on learning of her who she was,
sent her back unharmed to her country.

182. Besides the marks of favour already
mentioned, Amasis also enriched with offer-
ings many of the Greek temples. He sent to
Gyrene' a statue of Minerva covered with plates
of gold, and a painted likeness of himself. To
the Minerva of Lindus he gave two statues in
stone, and a linen corslet well worth inspec-
tion. To the Samian Juno he presented two
statues of himself, made in wood, which stood

in the great temple to my day, behind the
doors. Samos was honoured with these gifts on
account of the bond of friendship subsisting
between Amasis and Polycrates, the son of
^Eaces: Lindus, for no such reason, but be-
cause of the tradition that the daughters of
Danaus touched there in their flight from the
sons of ^Egyptus, and built the temple of
Minerva. Such were the offerings of Amasis.
He likewise took Cyprus, which no man had
ever done before, and compelled it to pay him
a tribute.

The Third Book, Entitled
THALIA

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i. The above-mentioned Amasis was the Egyp-
tian king against whom Cambyses, son of Cy-
rus, made his expedition; and with him went
an army composed of the many nations under
his rule, among them being included both Io-
nic and ^Eolic Greeks. The reason of the inva-
sion was the following. Cambyses, by the ad-
vice of a certain Egyptian, who was angry with
Amasis for having torn him from his wife and
children and given him over to the Persians,
had sent a herald to Amasis to ask his daughter
in marriage. His adviser was a physician,
whom Amasis, when Cyrus had requested
that he would send him the most skilful of all
the Egyptian eye-doctors, singled out as the
best from the whole number. Therefore the
Egyptian bore Amasis a grudge, and his rea-
son for urging Cambyses to ask the hand of
the king's daughter was, that if he complied, it
might cause him annoyance; if he refused, it
might make Cambyses his enemy. When the
message came, Amasis, who much dreaded the
power of the Persians, was greatly perplexed
whether to give his daughter or no; for that
Cambyses did not intend to make her his wife,
but would only receive her as his concubine, he
knew for certain. He therefore cast the matter
in his mind, and finally resolved what he
would do. There was a daughter of the late
king Apries, named Nitetis, a tail and beautiful
woman, the last survivor of that royal house.
Amasis took this woman, and decking her
out with gold and costly garments, sent her to
Persia as if she had been his own child. Some
time afterwards, Cambyses, as he gave her an
embrace, happened to call her by her father's
name, whereupon she said to him, "I see, O
king, thou knowest not how thou has been
cheated by Amasis; who took me, and, trick-
ing me out with gauds, sent me to thee as his
own daughter. But I am in truth the child of
Apries, who was his lord and master, until he

rebelled against him, together with the rest of
the Egyptians, and put him to death." It was
this speech, and the cause of quarrel it dis-
closed, which roused the anger of Cambyses,
son of Cyrus, and brought his arms upon
Egypt. Such is the Persian story.

2. The Egyptians, however, claim Cambyses
as belonging to them, declaring that he was the
son of this Nitetis. It was Cyrus, they say, and
not Cambyses, who sent to Amasis for his
daughter. But here they mis-state the truth.
Acquainted as they are beyond all other men
with the laws and customs of the Persians, they
cannot but be well aware, first, that it is not
the Persian wont to allow a bastard to reign
when there is a legitimate heir; and next, that
Cambyses was the son of Cassandane, the
daughter of Pharnaspes, an Achaemenian, and
not of this Egyptian. But the fact is that they
pervert history in order to claim relationship
with the house of Cyrus. Such is the truth of
this matter.

3. I have also heard another account, which
I do not at all believe: that a Persian lady
came to visit the wives of Cyrus, and seeing
how tall and beautiful were the children of
Cassandane, then standing by, broke out into
loud praise of them, and admired trjem ex-
ceedingly. But Cassandan, wife of Cyrus, an-
swered, "Though such the children I have
borne him, yet Cyrus slights me and gives all
his regard to the new-comer from Egypt."
Thus did she express her vexation on account
of Nitetis: whereupon Cambyses, the eldest of
her boys, exclaimed, "Mother, when I am a
man, I will turn Egypt upside down for you."
He was but ten years old, as the tale runs, when
he said this, and astonished all the women, yet
he never forgot it afterwards; and on this ac-
count, they say, when he came to be a man, and
mounted the throne, he made his expedition
against Egypt.

HERODOTUS

4. There was another matter, quite distinct,
which helped to bring about the expedition.
One of the mercenaries of Amasis, a Halicar-
nassian, Phanes by name, a man of good judg-
ment, and a brave warrior, dissatisfied for
some reason or other with his master, deserted
the service, and taking ship, fled to Cambyses,
wishing to get speech with him. As he was a
person of no small account among the mercen-
aries, and one who could give very exact in-
telligence about Egypt, Amasis, anxious to re-
cover him, ordered that he should be pursued.
He gave the matter in charge to one of the
most trusty of the eunuchs, who went in quest
of the Halicarnassian in a vessel of war. The
eunuch caught him in Lycia, but did not con-
trive to bring him back to Egypt, for Phanes
outwitted him by making his guards drunk,
and then escaping into Persia. Now it hap-
pened that Cambyses was meditating his at-
tack on Egypt, and doubting how he might
best pass the desert, when Phanes arrived, and
not only told him all the secrets of Amasis, but
advised him also how the desert might be
crossed. He counselled him to send an ambas-
sador to the king of the Arabs, and ask him
for safe-conduct through the region.

5. Now the only entrance into Egypt is by
this desert: the country from Phoenicia to the
borders of the city Cadytis belongs to the peo-
ple called the Palestine Syrians; from Cadytis,
which it appears to me is a city almost as large
as Sardis, the marts upon the coast till you
reach Jenysus are the Arabian king's; after
Jenysus the Syrians again come in, and extend
to Lake Serbonis, near the place where Mount
Casius juts out into the sea. At Lake Serb6nis,
where the tale goes that Typhon hid himself,
Egypt begins. Now the whole tract between
Jenysus on the one side, and Lake Serb6nis and
Mount Casius on the other, and this is no small
space, being as much as three days' journey, is
a dry desert without a drop of water.

6. I shall now mention a thing of which few
of those who sail to Egypt are aware. Twice a
year wine is brought into Egypt from every
part of Greece, as well as from Phoenicia, in
earthen jars; and yet in the whole country you
will nowhere see, as I may say, a single jar.
What then, every one will ask, becomes of the
jars? This, too, I will clear up. The burgomas-
ter of each town has to collect the wine-jars
within his district, and to carry them to Mem-
phis, where they are all filled with water by
the Memphians, who then convey them to this
desert tract of Syria. And so it comes to pass

[BooK ill

that all the jars which enter Egypt year by
year, and are there put up to sale, find their
way into Syria, whither all the old jars have
gone before them.

7. This way of keeping the passage into
Egypt fit for use by storing water there, was
begun by the Persians so soon as they became
masters of that country. As, however, at the
time of which we speak the tract had not yet
been so supplied, Cambyses took the advice of
his Halicarnassian guest, and sent messengers
to the Arabian to beg a safe-conduct through
the region. The Arabian granted his prayer,
and each pledged faith to the other.

8. The Arabs keep such pledges more re-
ligiously than almost any other people. They
plight faith with the forms following. When
two men would swear a friendship, they stand
on each side of a third: he with a sharp stone
makes a cut on the inside of the hand of each
near the middle finger, and, taking a piece
from their dress, dips it in the blood of each,
and moistens therewith seven stones lying in
the midst, calling the while on Bacchus and
Urania. After this, the man who makes the
pledge commends the stranger (or the citizen,
if citizen he be) to all his friends, and they
deem themselves bound to stand to the engage-
ment. They have but these two gods, to wit,
Bacchus and Urania; and they say that in their
mode of cutting the hair, they follow Bacchus.
Now their practice is to cut it in a ring, away
from the temples. Bacchus they call in their
language Orotal, and Urania, Alilat.

9. When, therefore, the Arabian had pledged
his faith to the messengers of Cambyses, he
straightway contrived as follows: he filled a
number of camels' skins with water, and load-
ing therewith all the live camels that he pos-
sessed, drove them into the desert, and awaited
the coming of the army. This is the more like-
ly of the two tales that are told. The other is an
improbable story, but, as it is related, I think
that I ought not to pass it by. There is a great
river in Arabia, called the Corys, which emp-
ties itself into the Erythraean sea. The Arabian
king, they say, made a pipe of the skins of
oxen and other beasts, reaching from this river
all the way to the desert, and so brought the
water to certain cisterns which he had had dug
in the desert to receive it. It is a twelve days'
journey from the river to this desert tract. And
the water, they say, was brought through three
different pipes to three separate places.

10. Psammenitus, son of Amasis, lay en-
camped at the mouth of the Nile, called the

4-14 ]

THE HISTORY

Pelusiac, awaiting Cambyscs. For Cambyses,
when he went up against Egypt, found Amasis
no longer in life: he had died after ruling
Egypt forty and four years, during all which
time no great misfortune had befallen him.
When he died, his body was embalmed, and
buried in the tomb which he had himself
caused to be made in the temple. After his son
Psammenitus had mounted the throne, a
strange prodigy occurred in Egypt rain fell
at Egyptian Thebes, a thing which never hap-
pened before, and which, to the present time,
has never happened again, as the Thebans
themselves testify. In Upper Egypt it does not
usually rain at all; but on this occasion, rain
fell at Thebes in small drops.

11. The Persians crossed the desert, and,
pitching their camp close to the Egyptians,
made ready for battle. Hereupon the merce-
naries in the pay of Psammenitus, who were
Greeks and Carians, full of anger against
Phanes for having brought a foreign army
upon Egypt, bethought themselves of a mode
whereby they might be revenged on him.
Phanes had left sons in Egypt. The mercena-
ries took these, and leading them to the camp,
displayed them before the eyes of their father;
after which they brought out a bowl, and,
placing it in the space between the two hosts,
they led the sons of Phanes, one by one, to the
vessel, and slew them over it. When the last
was dead, water and wine were poured into
the bowl, and all the soldiers tasted of the
blood, and so they went to the battle. Stubborn
was the fight which followed, and it was not
till vast numbers had been slain upon both
sides, that the Egyptians turned and fled.

12. On the field where this battle was fought
I saw a very wonderful thing which the natives
pointed out to me. The bones of the slain lie
scattered upon the field in two lots, those of
the Persians in one place by themselves, as the
bodies lay at the first those of the Egyptians
in another place apart from them. If, then, you
strike the Persian skulls, even with a pebble,
they are so weak, that you break a hole in
them; but the Egyptian skulls are so strong,
that you may smite them with a stone and you
will scarcely break them in. They gave me the
following reason for this difference, which
seemed to me likely enough: The Egyptians
(they said) from early childhood have the
head shaved, and so by the action of the sun
the skull becomes thick and hard. The same
cause prevents baldness in Egypt, where you
see fewer bald men than in any other land.

Such, then, is the reason why the skulls of the
Egyptians are so strong. The Persians, on the
other hand, have feeble skulls, because they
keep themselves shaded from the first, wearing
turbans upon their heads. What I have here
mentioned I saw with my own eyes, and I ob-
served also the like at Papremis, in the case of
the Persians who were killed with Achaemenes,
the son of Darius, by Inarus the Libyan.

13. The Egyptians who fought in the battle,
no sooner turned their backs upon the enemy,
than they fled away in complete disorder to
Memphis, where they shut themselves up with-
in the walls. Hereupon Cambyses sent a My-
tilenaean vessel, with a Persian herald on board,
who was to sail up the Nile to Memphis, and
invite the Egyptians to a surrender. They,
however, when they saw the vessel entering
the town, poured forth in crowds from the
castle, destroyed the ship, and, tearing the crew
limb from limb, so bore them into the fortress.
After this Memphis was besieged, and in due
time surrendered. Hereon the Libyans who
bordered upon Egypt, fearing the fate of that
country, gave themselves up to Cambyses with-
out a battle, made an agreement to pay tribute
to him, and forthwith sent him gifts. The Cy-
renacans too, and the Barcaeans, having the
same fear as the Libyans, immediately did the
like. Cambyses received the Libyan presents
very graciously, but not so the gifts of the Cy-
renaeans. They had sent no more than five hun-
dred minae of silver, which Cambyscs, I im-
agine, thought too little. He therefore snatched
the money from them, and with his own hands
scattered it among his soldiers.

14. Ten days after the fort had fallen, Cam-
byses resolved to try the spirit of Psammenitus,
the Egyptian king, whose whole reign had
been but six months. He therefore had him set
in one of the suburbs, and many other Egyp-
tians with him, and there subjected him to in-
sult. First of all he sent his daughter out from
the city, clothed in the garb of a slave, with a
pitcher to draw water. Many virgins, the
daughters of the chief nobles, accompanied
her, wearing the same dress. When the damsels
came opposite the place where their fathers
sate, shedding tears and uttering cries of woe,
the fathers, all but Psammenitus, wept and
wailed in return, grieving to see their children
in so sad a plight; but he, when he had looked
and seen, bent his head towards the ground.
In this way passed by the water-carriers. Next
to them came Psammenitus 1 son, and two thou-
sand Egyptians of the same age with him all

HERODOTUS

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of them having ropes round their necks and
bridles in their mouths and they too passed
by on their way to suffer death for the murder
of the Mytilenaeans who were destroyed, with
their vessel, in Memphis. For so had the royal
judges given their sentence "for each My-
tilenaean ten of the noblest Egyptians must for-
feit life." King Psammcnitus saw the train pass
on, and knew his son was being led to death,
but while the other Egyptians who sate
around him wept and were sorely troubled, he
showed no further sign than when he saw his
daughter. And now, when they too were gone,
it chanced that one of his former boon-com-
panions, a man advanced in years, who had
been stripped of all that he had and was a beg-
gar, came where Psammenitus, son of Amasis,
and the rest of the Egyptians were, asking alms
from the soldiers. At this sight the king burst
into tears, and weeping out aloud, called his
friend by his name, and smote himself on the
head. Now there were some who had been set
to watch Psammenitus and see what he would
do as each train went by; so these persons went
and told Cambyses of his behaviour. Then he,
astonished at what was done, sent a messenger
to Psammenitus, and questioned him, saying,
"Psammenitus, thy lord Cambyses asketh thee
why, when thou sawest thy daughter brought
to shame, and thy son on his way to death,
thou didst neither utter cry nor shed tear,
while to a beggar, who is, he hears, a stranger
to thy race, thou gavest those marks of hon-
our." To this question Psammenitus made an-
swer, "O son of Cyrus, my own misfortunes
were too great for tears; but the woe of my
friend deserved them. When a man falls from
splendour and plenty into beggary at the thres-
hold of old age, one may well weep for him."
When the messenger brought back this answer,
Cambyses owned it was just; Croesus, likewise,
the Egyptians say, burst into tears for he too
had come into Egypt with Cambyses and the
Persians who were present wept. Even Cam-
byses himself was touched with pity, and he
forthwith gave an order that the son of Psam-
menitus should be spared from the number of
those appointed to die, and Psammenitus him-
self brought from the suburb into his presence.
15. The messengers were too late to save the
life of Psammenitus* son, who had been cut
in pieces the first of all; but they took Psam-
menitus himself and brought him before the
king. Cambyses allowed him to live with him,
and gave him no more harsh treatment; nay,
could he have kept from intermeddling with

affairs, he might have recovered Egypt, and
ruled it as governor. For the Persian wont is to
treat the sons of kings with honour, and even
to give their fathers' kingdoms to the children
of such as revolt from them. There are many
cases from which one may collect that this is
the Persian rule, and especially those of Pau-
siris and Thannyras. Thannyras was son of
Inarus the Libyan, and was allowed to succeed
his father, as was also Pausiris, son of Amyr-
taeus; yet certainly no two persons ever did the
Persians more damage than Amyrtaeus and
Inarus. In this case Psammenitus plotted evil,
and received his reward accordingly. He was
discovered to be stirring up revolt in Egypt,
wherefore Cambyses, when his guilt clearly
appeared, compelled him to drink bull's blood,
which presently caused his death. Such was the
end of Psammenitus.

1 6. After this Cambyses left Memphis, and
went to Sai's, wishing to do that which he actu-
ally did on his arrival there. He entered the
palace of Amasis, and straightway commanded
that the body of the king should be brought
forth from the sepulchre. When the attendants
did according to his commandment, he further
bade them scourge the body, and prick it with
goads, and pluck the hair from it, 1 and heap
upon it all manner of insults. The body, how-
ever, having been embalmed, resisted, and re-
fused to come apart, do what they would to it;
so the attendants grew weary of their work;
whereupon Cambyses bade them take the
corpse and burn it. This was truly an impious
command to give, for the Persians hold fire to
be a god, and never by any chance burn their
dead. Indeed this practice is unlawful, both
with them and with the Egyptians with them
for the reason above mentioned, since they
deem it wrong to give the corpse of a man to a
god; and with the Egyptians, because they be-
lieve fire to be a live animal, which eats what-
ever it can seize, and then, glutted with the
food, dies with the matter which it feeds upon.
Now to give a man's body to be devoured by
beasts is in no wise agreeable to their customs,
and indeed this is the very reason why they
embalm their dead; namely, to prevent them
from being eaten in the grave by worms. Thus
Cambyses commanded what both nations ac-
counted unlawful. According to the Egyptians,

1 This is evidently a Greek statement, and not
derived from the Egyptian priests. There was no
hair to pluck out, the "head and all the body" of
the kings and priests being shaved. The whole
story may be doubted.

THE HISTORY

it was not Amasis who was thus treated, but
another of their nation who was of about the
same height. The Persians, believing this man's
body to be the king's, abused it in the fashion
described above. Amasis, they say, was warned
by an oracle of what would happen to him
after his death: in order, therefore, to prevent
the impending fate, he buried the body, which
afterwards received the blows, inside his own
tomb near the entrance, commanding his son
to bury him, when he died, in the furthest re-
cess of the same sepulchre. For my own part
I do not believe that these orders were ever
given by Amasis; the Egyptians, as it seems to
me, falsely assert it, to save their own dignity.

17. After this Cambyses took counsel with
himself, and planned three expeditions. One
was against the Carthaginians, another against
the Ammonians, and a third against the long-
lived Ethiopians, who dwelt in that part of
Libya which borders upon the southern sea.
He judged it best to despatch his fleet against
Carthage and to send some portion of his land
army to act against the Ammonians, while his
spies went into Ethiopia, under the pretence of
carrying presents to the king, but in reality to
take note of all they saw, and especially to ob-
serve whether there was really what is called
"the table of the Sun" in Ethiopia.

1 8. Now the table of the Sun according to
the accounts given of it may be thus described:
It is a meadow in the skirts of their city full
of the boiled flesh of all manner of beasts,
which the magistrates are careful to store with
meat every night, and where whoever likes
may come and eat during the day. The people
of the land say that the earth itself brings forth
the food. Such is the description which is given
of this table.

19. When Cambyses had made up his mind
that the spies should go, he forthwith sent to
Elephantine* for certain of the Icthyophagi who
were acquainted with the Ethiopian tongue;
and, while they were being fetched, issued or-
ders to his fleet to sail against Carthage. But the
Phoenicians said they would not go, since they
were bound to the Carthaginians by solemn
oaths, and since besides it would be wicked in
them to make war on their own children. Now
when the Phoenicians refused, the rest of the
fleet was unequal to the undertaking; and so it
was that the Carthaginians escaped, and were
not enslaved by the Persians. Cambyses
thought it not right to force the war upon the
Phoenicians, because they had yielded them-
selves to the Persians, and because upon the

Phoenicians all his sea-service depended. The
Cyprians had also joined the Persians of their
own accord, and took part with them in the
expedition against Egypt.

20. As soon as the Icthyophagi arrived from
Elephantine", Cambyses, having told them
what they were to say, forthwith despatched
them into Ethiopia with these following gifts:
to wit, a purple robe, a gold chain for the neck,
armlets, an alabaster box of myrrh, and a cask
of palm wine. The Ethiopians to whom this
embassy was sent are said to be the tallest and
handsomest men in the whole world. In their
customs they differ greatly from the rest of
mankind, and particularly in the way they
choose their kings; for they find out the man
who is the tallest of all the citizens, and of
strength equal to his height, and appoint him
to rule over them.

21. The Icthyophagi on reaching this peo-
ple, delivered the gifts to the king of the coun-
try, and spoke as follows: "Cambyses, king
of the Persians, anxious to become thy ally and
sworn friend, has sept us to hold converse with
thee, and to bear thee the gifts thou seest,
which are the things wherein he himself de-
lights the most." Hereon the Ethiopian, who
knew they came as spies, made answer: "The
king of the Persians sent you not with these
gifts because he much desired to become my
sworn friend nor is the account which ye give
of yourselves true, for ye are come to search
out my kingdom. Also your king is not a just
man for were he so, he had not coveted a
land which is not his own, nor brought slavery
on a people who never did him any wrong.
Bear him this bow, and say 'The king of the
Ethiops thus advises the king of the Persians
when the Persians can pull a bow of this
strength thus easily, then let him come with
an army of superior strength against the long-
lived Ethiopians till then, let him thank the
gods that they have not put it into the heart of
the sons of the Ethiops to covet countries
which do not belong to them.' "

22. So speaking, he unstrung the bow, and
gave it into the hands of the messengers. Then,
taking the purple robe, he asked them what it
was, and how it had been made. They an-
swered truly, telling him concerning the pur-
ple, and the art of the dyer whereat he ob-
served "that the men were deceitful, and their
garments also." Next he took the neck-chain
and the armlets, and asked about them. So the
Icthyophagi explained their use as ornaments.
Then the king laughed, and fancying they

HERODOTUS

were fetters, said, "the Ethiopians had much
stronger ones." Thirdly, he inquired about the
myrrh, and when they told him how it was
made and rubbed upon the limbs, he said the
same as he had said about the robe. Last of all
he came to the wine, and having learnt their
way of making it, he drank a draught, which
greatly delighted him; whereupon he asked
what the Persian king was wont to eat, and to
what age the longest-lived of the Persians had
been known to attain. They told him that the
king ate bread, and described the nature of
wheat adding that eighty years was the
longest term of man's life among the Persians.
Hereat he remarked, "It did not surprise him,
if they fed on dirt, that they died so soon; in-
deed he was sure they never would have lived
so long as eighty years, except for the refresh-
ment they got from that drink (meaning the
wine), wherein he confessed the Persians sur-
passed the Ethiopians."

23. The Icthyophagi then in their turn ques-
tioned the king concerning the term of life,
and diet of his people, and were told that most
of them lived to be a hundred and twenty
years old, while some even went beyond that
age they ate boiled flesh, and had for their
drink nothing but milk. When the Icthyo-
phagi showed wonder at the number of the
years, he led them to a fountain, wherein when
they had washed, they found their flesh all glos-
sy and sleek, as if they had bathed in oil and
a scent came from the spring like that of vio-
lets. The water was so weak, they said, that
nothing would float in it, neither wood, nor
any lighter substance, but all went to the bot-
tom. If the account of this fountain be true, it
would be their constant use of the water from
it which makes them so long-lived. When they
quitted the fountain the king led them to a
prison, where the prisoners were all of them
bound with fetters of gold. Among these Ethi-
opians copper is of all metals the most scarce
and valuable. After they had seen the prison,
they were likewise shown what is called "the
table of the Sun."

24. Also, last of all, they were allowed to
behold the coffins of the Ethiopians, which are
made (according to report) of crystal, after the
following fashion: When the dead body has
been dried, either in the Egyptian, or in some
other manner, they cover the whole with gyp-
sum, and adorn it with painting until it is as
like the living man as possible. Then they place
the body in a crystal pillar which has been hol-
lowed out to receive it, crystal being dug up

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in great abundance in their country, and of a
kind very easy to work. You may see the corpse
through the pillar within which it lies; and it
neither gives out any unpleasant odour, nor is
it in any respect unseemly; yet there is no part
that is not as plainly visible as if the body were
bare. The next of kin keep the crystal pillar in
their houses for a full year from the time of
the death, and give it the first fruits continual-
ly, and honour it with sacrifice. After the year
is out they bear the pillar forth, and set it up
near the town.

25. When the spies had now seen every-
thing, they returned back to Egypt, and made
report to Cambyses, who was stirred to anger
by their words. Forthwith he set out on his
march against the Ethiopians without having
made any provision for the sustenance of his
army, or reflected that he was about to wage
war in the uttermost parts of the earth. Like a
senseless madman as he was, no sooner did he
receive the report of the Icthyophagi than he
began his march, bidding the Greeks who
were with his army remain where they were,
and taking only his land force with him. At
Thebes, which he passed through on his way,
he detached from his main body some fifty
thousand men, and sent them against the Am-
monians with orders to carry the people into
captivity, and burn the oracle of Jupiter. Mean-
while he himself went on with the rest of his
forces against the Ethiopians. Before, however,
he had accomplished one-fifth part of the dis-
tance, all that the army had in the way of pro-
visions failed; whereupon the men began to eat
the sumpter beasts, which shortly failed also.
If then, at this time, Cambyses, seeing what
was happening, had confessed himself in the
wrong, and led his army back, he would have
done the wisest thing that he could after the
mistake made at the outset; but as it was, he
took no manner of heed, but continued to
march forwards. So long as the earth gave
them anything, the soldiers sustained life by
eating the grass and herbs; but when they
came to the bare sand, a portion of them were
guilty of a horrid deed: by tens they cast lots
for a man, who was slain to be the food of the
others. When Cambyses heard of these doings,
alarmed at such cannibalism, he gave up his
attack on Ethiopia, and retreating by the way
he had come, reached Thebes, after he had lost
vast numbers of his soldiers. From Thebes he
marched down to Memphis, where he dis-
missed the Greeks, allowing them to sail home.
And so ended the expedition against Ethiopia.

23-3 1 ]

THE HISTORY

26. The men sent to attack the Ammonians,
started from Thebes, having guides with them,
and may be clearly traced as far as the city
Oasis, which is inhabited by Samians, said to
be of the tribe ^Eschrionia. The place is distant
from Thebes seven days' journey across the
sand, and is called in our tongue "the Island of
the Blessed." Thus far the army is known to
have made its way; but thenceforth nothing is
to be heard of them, except what the Ammo-
nians, and those who get their knowledge from
them, report.' It is certain they neither reached
the Ammonians, nor even came back to Egypt.
Further than this, the Ammonians relate as
follows: That the Persians set forth from Oa-
sis across the sand, and had reached about half
way between that place and themselves when,
as they were at their midday meal, a wind
arose from the south, strong and deadly, bring-
ing with it vast columns of whirling sand,
which entirely covered up the troops and
caused them wholly to disappear. Thus, ac-
cording to the Ammonians, did it fare with
this army.

27. About the time when Cambyses arrived
at Memphis, Apis appeared to the Egyptians.
Now Apis is the god whom the Greeks call
Epaphus. As soon as he appeared, straightway
all the Egyptians arrayed themselves in their
gayest garments, and fell to feasting and jolli-
ty: which when Cambyses saw, making sure
that these rejoicings were on account of his
own ill success, he called before him the officers
who had charge of Memphis, and demanded of
them "Why, when he was in Memphis be-
fore, the Egyptians had done nothing of this
kind, but waited until now, when he had re-
turned with the loss of so many of his troops?"
The officers made answer, "That one of their
gods had appeared to them, a god who at long
intervals of time had been accustomed to show
himself in Egypt and that always on his ap-
pearance the whole of Egypt feasted and kept
jubilee." When Cambyses heard this, he told
them that they lied, and as liars he condemned
them all to suffer death.

28. When they were dead, he called the
priests to his presence, and questioning them
received the same answer; whereupon he ob-
served, "That he would soon know whether a
tame god had really come to dwell in Egypt"
and straightway, without another word, he
bade them bring Apis to him. So they went out
from his presence to fetch the god. Now this
Apis, or Epaphus, is the calf of a cow which is
never afterwards able to bear young. The

Egyptians say that fire comes down from heav-
en upon the cow, which thereupon conceives
Apis. The calf which is so called has the fol-
lowing marks: He is black, with a square
spot of white upon his forehead, and on his
back the figure of an eagle; the hairs in his tail
are double, and there is a beetle upon his
tongue.

29. When the priests returned bringing Apis
with them, Cambyses, like the harebrained
person that he was, drew his dagger, and
aimed at the belly of the animal, but missed
his mark, and stabbed him in the thigh. Then
he laughed, and said thus to the priests: "Oh!
blockheads, and think ye that gods become
like this, of flesh and blood, and sensible to
steel? A fit god indeed for Egyptians, such an
one! But it shall cost you dear that you have
made me your laughing-stock." When he had
so spoken, he ordered those whose business it
was to scourge the priests, and if they found
any of the Egyptians keeping festival to put
them to death. Thus was the feast stopped
throughout the land of Egypt, and the priests
suffered punishment. Apis, wounded in the
thigh, lay some time pining in the temple; at
last he died of his wound, and the priests bur-
ied him secretly without the knowledge of
Cambyses.

30. And now Cambyses, who even before
had not been quite in his right mind, was
forthwith, as the Egyptians say, smitten with
madness for this crime. The first of his out-
rages was the slaying of Smerdis, his full broth-
er, whom he had sent back to Persia from
Egypt out of envy, because he drew the bow
brought from the Ethiopians by the Icthyo-
phagi (which none of the other Persians were
able to bend) the distance of two fingers'
breadth. When Smerdis was departed into
Persia, Cambyses had a vision in his sleep he
thought a messenger from Persia came to him
with tidings that Smerdis sat upon the royal
throne and with his head touched the heav-
ens. Fearing therefore for himself, and think-
ing it likely that his brother would kill him
and rule in his stead, Cambyses sent into Per-
sia Prexaspes, whom he trusted beyond all the
other Persians, bidding him put Smerdis to
death. So this Prexaspes went up to Susa and
slew Smerdis. Some say he killed him as they
hunted together, others, that he took him
down to the Erythraean Sea, and there drowned
him.

31. This, it is said, was the first outrage
which Cambyses committed. The second was

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK in

the slaying of his sister, who had accompanied
him into Egypt, and lived with him as his wife,
though she was his full sister, the daughter
both of his father and his mother. The way
wherein he had made her his wife was the fol-
lowing: It was not the custom of the Per-
sians, before his time, to marry their sisters
but Cambyses, happening to fall in love with
one of his and wishing to take her to wife, as
he knew that it was an uncommon thing, called
together the royal judges, and put it to them,
"whether there was any law which allowed a
brother, if he wished, to marry his sister?"
Now the royal judges are certain picked men
among the Persians, who hold their office for
life, or until they are found guilty of some mis-
conduct. By them justice is administered in
Persia, and they arc the interpreters of the old
laws, all disputes being referred to their deci-
sion. When Cambyses, therefore, put his ques-
tion to these judges, they gave him an answer
which was at once true and safe "they did not
find any law," they said, "allowing a brother
to take his sister to wife, but they found a law,
that the king of the Persians might do what-
ever he pleased." And so they neither warped
the law through fear of Cambyses, nor ruined
themselves by over stiffly maintaining the law;
but they brought another quite distinct law to
the king's help, which allowed him to have his
wish. Cambyses, therefore, married the object
of his love, and no long time afterwards he
took to wife another sister. It was the younger
of these who went with him into Egypt, and
there suffered death at his hands.

32. Concerning the manner of her death, as
concerning that of Smerdis, two different ac-
counts are given. The story which the Greeks
tell is that Cambyses had set a young dog to
fight the cub of a lioness his wife looking on
at the time. Now the dog was getting the
worse, when a pup of the same litter broke his
chain, and came to his brother's aid then the
two dogs together fought the lion, and con-
quered him. The thing greatly pleased Cam-
byses, but his sister who was sitting by shed
tears. When Cambyses saw this, he asked her
why she wept: whereon she told him, that see-
ing the young dog come to his brother's aid
made her think of Smerdis, whom there was
none to help. For this speech, the Greeks say,
Cambyses put her to death. But the Egyptians
tell the story thus: The two were sitting at
table, when the sister took a lettuce, and strip-
ping the leaves off, asked her brother "when
he thought the lettuce looked the prettiest

when it had all its leaves on, or now that it was
stripped?" He answered, "When the leaves
were on." "But thou," she rejoined, "hast done
as I did to the lettuce, and made bare the house
of Cyrus." Then Cambyses was wroth, and
sprang fiercely upon her, though she was with
child at the time. And so it came to pass that
she miscarried and died.

33. Thus mad was Cambyses upon his own
kindred, and this either from his usage of Apis,
or from some other among the many causes
from which calamities are wont to arise. They
say that from his birth he was afflicted with a
dreadful disease, the disorder which some call
"the sacred sickness." 1 It would be by no
means strange, therefore, if his mind were af-
fected in some degree, seeing that his body la-
boured under so sore a malady.

34. He was mad also upon others besides his
kindred; among the rest, upon Prexaspes, the
man whom he esteemed beyond all the rest of
the Persians, who carried his messages, and
whose son held the office an honour of no
small account in Persia of his cupbearer.
Him Cambyses is said to have once addressed
as follows: "What sort of man, Prexaspes, do
the Persians think me? What do they say of
me?" Prexaspes answered, "Oh! sire, they
praise thee greatly in all things but one they
say thou art too much given to love of wine."
Such Prexaspes told him was the judgment of
the Persians; whereupon Cambyses, full of
rage, made answer, "What? they say now that
I drink too much wine, and so have lost my
senses, and am gone out of my mind! Then
their former speeches about me were untrue."
For once, when the Persians were sitting with
him, and Crcesus was by, he had asked them,
"What sort of man they thought him com-
pared to his father Cyrus?" Hereon they had
answered, "That he surpassed his father, for he
was lord of all that his father ever ruled, and
further had made himself master of Egypt,
and the sea." Then Crcesus, who was standing
near, and misliked the comparison, spoke thus
to Cambyses: "In my judgment, O son of Cy-
rus, thou art not equal to thy father, for thou
hast not yet left behind thee such a son as he."
Cambyses was delighted when he heard this
reply, and praised the judgment of Croesus.

35. Recollecting these answers, Cambyses
spoke fiercely to Prexaspes, saying, "Judge now
thyself, Prexaspes, whether the Persians tell
the truth, or whether it is not they who are
mad for speaking as they do. Look there now

1 Epilepsy.

32-38]

THE HISTORY

at thy son standing in the vestibule if I shoot
and hit him right in the middle of the heart,
it will be plain the Persians have no grounds
for what they say: if I miss him, then I allow
that the Persians are right, and that I am out
of my mind." So speaking he drew his bow to
the full, and struck the boy, who straightway
fell down dead. Then Cambyses ordered the
body to be opened, and the wound examined;
and when the arrow was found to have entered
the heart, the king was quite overjoyed, and
said to the father with a laugh, "Now thou
seest plainly, Prexaspes, that it is not I who am
mad, but the Persians who have lost their
senses. I pray thee tell me, sawest thou ever
mortal man send an arrow with a better aim?"
Prexaspes, seeing that the king was not in his
right mind, and fearing for himself, replied,
"Oh! my lord, I do not think that God himself
could shoot so dexterously." Such was the out-
rage which Cambyses committed at this time:
at another, he took twelve of the noblest Per-
sians, and, without bringing any charge wor-
thy of death against them, buried them all up
to the neck.

36. Hereupon Croesus the Lydian thought
it right to admonish Cambyses, which he did
in these words following: "Oh! king, allow
not thyself to give way entirely to thy youth,
and the heat of thy temper, but check and con-
trol thyself. It is well to look to consequences,
and in forethought is true wisdom. Thou lay-
est hold of men, who are thy fellow-citizens,
and, without cause of complaint, slayest them
thou even puttest children to death bethink
thee now, if thou shalt often do things like
these, will not the Persians rise in revolt against
thee? It is by thy father's wish that I offer thee
advice; he charged me strictly to give thee
such counsel as I might see to be most for thy
good." In thus advising Cambyses, Croesus
meant nothing but what was friendly. But
Cambyses answered him, "Dost thou presume
to offer me advice? Right well thou ruledst
thy own country when thou wert a king, and
right sage advice thou gavest my father Cyrus,
bidding him cross the Araxes and fight the
Massagetae in their own land, when they were
willing to have passed over into ours. By thy
misdirection of thine own affairs thou brought-
est ruin upon thyself, and by thy bad counsel,
which he followed, thou broughtest ruin upon
Cyrus, my father. But thou shalt not escape
punishment now, for I have long been seeking
to find some occasion against thee." As he thus
spoke, Cambyses took up his bow to shoot at

Croesus; but Croesus ran hastily out, and es-
caped. So when Cambyses found that he could
not kill him with his bow, he bade his servants
seize him, and put him to death. The servants,
however, who knew their master's humour,
thought it best to hide Croesus; that so, if Cam-
byses relented, and asked for him, they might
bring him out, and get a reward for having
saved his life if, on the other hand, he did not
relent, or regret the loss, they might then des-
patch him. Not long afterwards, Cambyses did
in fact regret the loss of Croesus, and the serv-
ants, perceiving it, let him know that he was
still alive. "I am glad," said he, "that Croesus
lives, but as for you who saved him, ye shall
not escape my vengeance, but shall all of you
be put to death." And he did even as he had
said.

37. Many other wild outrages of this sort
did Cambyses commit, both upon the Persians
and the allies, while he still stayed at Memphis;
among the rest he opened the ancient sepul-
chres, and examined the bodies that were bur-
ied in them. He likewise went into the temple
of Vulcan, and made great sport of the image.
For the image of Vulcan is very like the
Pataeci of the Phoenicians, wherewith they orna-
ment the prows of their ships of war. If per-
sons have not seen these, I will explain in a
different way it is a figure resembling that of
a pigmy. He went also into the temple of the
Cabiri, which it is unlawful for any one to en-
ter except the priests, and not only made sport
of the images, but even burnt them. They are
made like the statue of Vulcan, who is said to
have been their father.

38. Thus it appears certain to me, by a great
variety of proofs, that Cambyses was raving
mad; he would not else have set himself to
make a mock of holy rites and long-established
usages. For if one were to offer men to choose
out of all the customs in the world such as
seemed to them the best, they would examine
the whole number, and end by preferring their
own; so convinced are they that their own us-
ages far surpass those of all others. Unless,
therefore, a man was mad, it is not likely that
he would make sport of such matters. That
people have this feeling about their laws may
be seen by very many proofs: among others, by
the following. Darius, after he had got the
kingdom, called into his presence certain
Greeks who were at hand, and asked "What
he should pay them to eat the bodies of their
fathers when they died?" To which they an-
swered, that there was no sum that would

HERODOTUS

[BOOK m

tempt them to do such a thing. He then sent
for certain Indians, of the race called Callati-
ans, men who eat their fathers, and asked
them, while the Greeks stood by, and knew
by the help of an interpreter all that was said
"What he should give them to burn the bod-
ies of their fathers at their decease?" The In-
dians exclaimed aloud, and bade him forbear
such language. Such is men's wont herein; and
Pindar was right, in my judgment, when he
said, "Law is the king o'er all."

39. While Cambyses was carrying on this
war in Egypt, the Lacedaemonians likewise
sent a force to Samos against Polycrates, the
son of jEaces, who had by insurrection made
himself master of that island. At the outset he
divided the state into three parts, and shared
the kingdom with his brothers, Pantagnotus
and Syloson; but later, having killed the for-
mer and banished the latter, who was the
younger of the two, he held the whole island.
Hereupon he made a contract of friendship
with Amasis the Egyptian king, sending him
gifts, and receiving from him others in return.
In a little while his power so greatly increased,
that the fame of it went abroad throughout Io-
nia and the rest of Greece. Wherever he turned
his arms, success waited on him. He had a fleet
of a hundred penteconters, and bowmen to the
number of a thousand. Herewith he plundered
all, without distinction of friend or foe; for he
argued that a friend was better pleased if you
gave him back what you had taken from him,
than if you spared him at the first. He cap-
tured many of the islands, and several towns
upon the mainland. Among his other doings
he overcame the Lesbians in a sea-fight, when
they came with all their forces to the help of
Miletus, and made a number of them prison-
ers. These persons, laden with fetters, dug the
moat which surrounds the castle at Samos.

40. The exceeding good fortune of Poly-
crates did not escape the notice of Amasis, who
was much disturbed thereat. When therefore
his successes continued increasing, Amasis
wrote him the following letter, and sent it to
Samos. "Amasis to Polycrates thus sayeth: It
is a pleasure to hear of a friend and ally pros-
pering, but thy exceeding prosperity does not
cause me joy, forasmuch as I know that the gods
are envious. My wish for myself and for those
whom I love is to be now successful, and now
to meet with a check; thus passing through life
amid alternate good and ill, rather than with
perpetual good fortune. For never yet did I
hear tell of any one succeeding in all his under-

takings, who did not meet with calamity at
last, and come to utter ruin. Now, therefore,
give ear to my words, and meet thy good luck
in this way: bethink thee which of all thy treas-
ures thou valuest most and canst least bear to
part with; take it, whatsoever it be, and throw
it away, so that it may be sure never to come
any more into the sight of man. Then, if thy
good fortune be not thenceforth chequered
with ill, save thyself from harm by again doing
as I have counselled."

41. When Polycrates read this letter, and
perceived that the advice of Amasis was good,
he considered carefully with himself which of
the treasures that he had in store it would
grieve him most to lose. After much thought
he made up his mind that it was a signet-ring
which he was wont to wear, an emerald set in
gold, the workmanship of Theodore, son of
Telecles, a Samian. So he determined to throw
this away; and, manning a penteconter, he
went on board, and bade the sailors put out
into the open sea. When he was now a long
way from the island, he took the ring from his
finger, and, in the sight of all those who were
on board, flung it into the deep. This done, he
returned home, and gave vent to his sorrow.

42. Now it happened five or six days after-
wards that a fisherman caught a fish so large
and beautiful that he thought it well deserved
to be made a present of to the king. So he took
it with him to the gate of the palace, and said
that he wanted to see Polycrates. Then Poly-
crates allowed him to come in, and the fisher-
man gave him the fish with these words fol-
lowing "Sir king, when I took this prize, I
thought I would not carry it to market, though
I am a poor man who live by my trade. I said
to myself, it is worthy of Polycrates and his
greatness; and so I brought it here to give it to
you." The speech pleased the king, who thus
spoke in reply: "Thou didst right well,
friend, and I am doubly indebted, both for the
gift, and for the speech. Come now, and sup
with me." So the fisherman went home, es-
teeming it a high honour that he had been
asked to sup with the king. Meanwhile the
servants, on cutting open the fish, found the
signet of their master in its belly. No sooner
did they see it than they seized upon it, and
hastening to Polycrates with great joy, restored
it to him, and told him in what way it had
been found. The king, who saw something
providential in the matter, forthwith wrote a
letter to Amasis, telling him all that had hap-
pened, what he had himself done, and what

39-48]

had been the upshot and despatched the let-
ter to Egypt.

43. When Amasis had read the letter of
Polycrates, he perceived that it does not belong
to man to save his fellow-man from the fate
which is in store for him; likewise he felt cer-
tain that Polycrates would end ill, as he pros-
pered in everything, even finding what he had
thrown away. So he sent a herald to Samos,
and dissolved the contract of friendship. This
he did, that when the great and heavy mis-
fortune came, he might escape the grief which
he would have felt if the sufferer had been his
bond-friend.

44. It was with this Polycrates, so fortunate
in every undertaking, that the Lacedaemonians
now went to war. Certain Samians, the same
who afterwards founded the city of Cydonia
in Crete, had earnestly intreated their help.
For Polycrates, at the time when Cambyses,
son of Cyrus, was gathering together an arma-
ment against Egypt, had sent to beg him not
to omit to ask aid from Samos; whereupon
Cambyses with much readiness despatched a
messenger to the island, and made request that
Polycrates would give some ships to the naval
force which he was collecting against Egypt.
Polycrates straightway picked out from among
the citizens such as he thought most likely to
stir revolt against him, and manned with them
forty triremes, which he sent to Cambyses, bid-
ding him keep the men safe, and never allow
them to return home.

45. Now some accounts say that these Sa-
mians did not reach Egypt; for that when they
were off Carpathus, they took counsel together
and resolved to sail no further. But others
maintain that they did go to Egypt, and, find-
ing themselves watched, deserted, and sailed
back to Samos. There Polycrates went out
against them with his fleet, and a battle was
fought and gained by the exiles; after which
they disembarked upon the island and engaged
the land forces of Polycrates, but were defeated,
and so sailed off to Lacedxmon. Some relate
that the Samians from Egypt overcame Poly-
crates, but it seems to me untruly; for had the
Samians been strong enough to conquer Poly-
crates by themselves, they would not have
needed to call in the aid of the Lacedaemo-
nians. And moreover, it is not likely that a
king who had in his pay so large a body of for-
eign mercenaries, and maintained likewise
such a force of native bowmen, would have
been worsted by an army so small as that of the
returned Samians. As for his own subjects, to

THE HISTORY

hinder them from betraying him and joining
the exiles, Polycrates shut up their wives and
children in the sheds built to shelter his ships,
and was ready to burn sheds and all in case of
need.

46. When the banished Samians reached
Sparta, they had audience of the magistrates,
before whom they made a long speech, as was
natural with persons greatly in want of aid.
Accordingly at this first sitting the Spartans
answered them that they had forgotten the
first half of their speech, and could make noth-
ing of the remainder. Afterwards the Samians
had another audience, whereat they simply
said, showing a bag which they had brought
with them, "The bag wants flour." The Spar-
tans answered that they did not need to have
said "the bag"; however, they resolved to give
them aid.

47. Then the Lacedaemonians made ready
and set forth to the attack of Samos, from a
motive of gratitude, if we may believe the
Samians, because the Samians had once sent
ships to their aid against the Messenians; but
as the Spartans themselves say, not so much
from any wish to assist the Samians who beg-
ged their help, as from a desire to punish the
people who had seized the bowl which they
sent to Croesus, and the corselet which Amasis,
king of Egypt, sent as a present to them. The
Samians made prize of this corselet the year
before they took the bowl it was of linen, and
had a vast number of figures of animals in-
woven into its fabric, and was likewise em-
broidered with gold and tree-wool. What is
most worthy of admiration in it is that each
of the twists, although of fine texture, contains
within it three hundred and sixty threads, all
of them clearly visible. The corselet which Am-
asis gave to the temple of Minerva in Lindus
is just such another.

48. The Corinthians likewise right willing-
ly lent a helping hand towards the expedition
against Samos; for a generation earlier, about
the time of the seizure of the wine-bowl, they
too had suffered insult at the hands of the Sa-
mians. It happened that Periander, son of
Cypselus, had taken three hundred boys, chil-
dren of the chief nobles among the Cor-
cyraeans, and sent them to Alyattes for eu-
nuchs; the men who had them in charge
touched at Samos on their way to Sardis;
whereupon the Samians, having found out
what was to become of the boys when they
reached that city, first prompted them to take
sanctuary at the temple of Diana; and after

100

HERODOTUS

this, when the Corinthians, as they were for-
bidden to tear the suppliants from the holy
place, sought to cut oft from them all supplies
of food, invented a festival in their behalf,
which they celebrate to this day with the self-
same rites. Each evening, as night closed in,
during the whole time that the boys continued
there, choirs of youths and virgins were placed
about the temple, carrying in their hands cakes
made of sesame and honey, in order that the
Corcyraean boys might snatch the cakes, and so
get enough to live upon.

49. And this went on for so long, that at last
the Corinthians who had charge of the boys
gave them up, and took their departure, upon
which the Samians conveyed them back to
Corcyra. If now, after the death of Periander,
the Corinthians and Corcyracans had been good
friends, it is not to be imagined that the former
would ever have taken part in the expedition
against Samos for such a reason as this; but as,
in fact, the two people have always, ever since
the first settlement of the island, been enemies
to one another, this outrage was remembered,
and the Corinthians bore the Samians a grudge
for it. Periander had chosen the youths from
among the first families in Corcyra, and sent
them a present to Alyattes, to avenge a wrong
which he had received. For it was the Cor-
cyraeans who began the quarrel and injured
Periander by an outrage of a horrid nature.

50. After Periander had put to death his
wife Melissa, it chanced that on this first afflic-
tion a second followed of a different kind. His
wife had borne him two sons, and one of them
had now reached the age of seventeen, the
other of eighteen years, when their mother's
father, Procles, tyrant of Epidaurus, asked
them to his court. They went, and Procles
treated them with much kindness, as was nat-
ural, considering they were his own daughter's
children. At length, when the time for parting
came, Procles, as he was sending them on their
way, said, "Know you now, my children, who
it was that caused your mother's death?" The
elder son took no account of this speech, but
the younger, whose name was Lycophron, was
sorely troubled at it so much so, that when he
got back to Corinth, looking upon his father
as his mother's murderer, he would neither
speak to him, nor answer when spoken to, nor
utter a word in reply to all his questionings. So
Periander at last, growing furious at such be-
haviour, banished him from his house.

51. The younger son gone, he turned to the
elder and asked him, "what it was that their

[BooK in

grandfather had said to them?" Then he re-
lated in how kind and friendly a fashion he
had received them; but, not having taken any
notice of the speech which Procles had uttered
at parting, he quite forgot to mention it. Peri-
ander insisted that it was not possible this
should be all their grandfather must have
given them some hint or other and he went
on pressing him, till at last the lad remembered
the parting speech and told it. Periander, after
he had turned the whole matter over in his
thoughts, and felt unwilling to give way at all,
sent a messenger to the persons who had
opened their houses to his outcast son, and for-
bade them to harbour him. Then the boy, when
he was chased from one friend, sought refuge
with another, but was driven from shelter to
shelter by the threats of his father, who men-
aced all those that took him in, and command-
ed them to shut their doors against him. Still, as
fast as he was forced to leave one house he went
to another, and was received by the inmates; for
his acquaintance, although in no small alarm,
yet gave him shelter, as he was Periander's son.
52. At last Periander made proclamation
that whoever harboured his son or even spoke
to him, should forfeit a certain sum of money
to Apollo. On hearing this no one any longer
liked to take him in, or even to hold converse
with him, and he himself did not think it right
to seek to do what was forbidden; so, abiding
by his resolve, he made his lodging in the pub-
lic porticos. When four days had passed in this
way, Periander, seeing how wretched his son
was, that he neither washed nor took any food,
felt moved with compassion towards him;
wherefore, foregoing his anger, he approached
him, and said, " Which is better, oh' my son, to
fare as now thou farest, or to receive my crown
and all the good things that I possess, on the
one condition of submitting thyself to thy fa-
ther? See, now, though my own child, and
lord of this wealthy Corinth, thou hast brought
thyself to a beggar's life, because thou must re-
sist and treat with anger him whom it least be-
hoves thee to oppose. If there has been a calam-
ity, and thou bearest me ill will on that ac-
count, bethink thee that I too feel it, and am
the greatest sufferer, in as much as it was by
me that the deed was done. For thyself, now
that thou knowest how much better a thing it
is to be envied than pitied, and how dangerous
it is to indulge anger against parents and su-
periors, come back with me to thy home."
With such words as these did Periander chide
his son; but the son made no reply, except to re-

49-57]

THE HISTORY

101

mind his father that he was indebted to the
god in the penalty for coming and holding con-
verse with him. Then Periander knew that
there was no cure for the youth's malady, nor
means of overcoming it; so he prepared a ship
and sent him away out of his sight to Corcyra,
which island at that time belonged to him. As
for Procles, Periander, regarding him as the
true author of all his present troubles, went to
war with him as soon as his son was gone, and
not only made himself master of his kingdom
Epidaurus, but also took Procles himself, and
carried him into captivity.

53. As time went on, and Periander came to
be old, he found himself no longer equal to the
oversight and management of affairs. Seeing,
therefore, in his eldest son no manner of abil-
ity, but knowing him to be dull and blockish,
he sent to Corcyra and recalled Lycophron to
take the kingdom. Lycophron, however, did
not even deign to ask the bearer of this mes-
sage a question. But Periander's heart was set
upon the youth, so he sent again to him, this
time by his own daughter, the sister of Lyco-
phron, who would, he thought, have more
power to persuade him than any other person.
Then she, when she reached Corcyra, spoke
thus with her brother: "Dost thou wish the
kingdom, brother, to pass into strange hands,
and our father's wealth to be made a prey,
rather than thyself return to enjoy it? Come
back home with me, and cease to punish thy-
self. It is scant gain, this obstinacy. Why seek
to cure evil by evil? Mercy, remember, is by
many set above justice. Many, also, while push-
ing their mother's claims have forfeited their
father's fortune. Power is a slippery thing it
has many suitors; and he is old and stricken in
years let not thy own inheritance go to anoth-
er." Thus did the sister, who had been tutored
by Periander what to say, urge all the argu-
ments most likely to have weight with her
brother. He however made answer, "That so
long as he knew his father to be still alive, he
would never go back to Corinth." When the
sister brought Periander this reply, he sent to his
son a third time by a herald, and said he would
come himself to Corcyra, and let his son take
his place at Corinth as heir to his kingdom. To
these terms Lycophron agreed; and Periander
was making ready to pass into Corcyra and his
son to return to Corinth, when the Corcyrae-
ans, being informed of what was taking place,
to keep Periander away, put the young man to
death. For this reason it was that Periander
took vengeance on the Corcyraeans.

54. The Lacedaemonians arrived before Sa-
mos with a mighty armament, and forthwith
laid siege to the place. In one of the assaults
upon the walls, they forced their way to the top
of the tower which stands by the sea on the side
where the suburb is, but Polycrates came in
person to the rescue with a strong force, and
beat them back. Meanwhile at the upper tower,
which stood on the ridge of the hill, the be-
sieged, both mercenaries and Samians, made a
sally; but after they had withstood the Lace-
daemonians a short time, they fled backwards,
and the Lacedaemonians, pressing upon them,
slew numbers.

55. If now all who were present had be-
haved that day like Archias and Lycopas, two
of the Lacedaemonians, Samos might have been
taken. For these two heroes, following hard
upon the flying Samians, entered the city along
with them, and, being all alone, and their re-
treat cut off, were slain within the walls of the
place. I myself once fell in with the grandson of
this Archias, a man named Archias like his
grandsire, and the son of Samius, whom I met
at Pitana, to which canton he belonged. He re-
spected the Samians beyond all other foreign-
ers, and he told me that his father was called
Samius, because his grandfather Archias died
in Samos so gloriously, and that the reason why
he respected the Samians so greatly was that
his grandsire was buried with public honours
by the Samian people.

56. The Lacedaemonians besieged Samos
during forty days, but not making any progress
before the place, they raised the siege at the
end of that time, and returned home to the
Peloponnese. There is a silly tale told that Poly-
crates struck a quantity of the coin of his
country in lead, and, coating it with gold, gave
it to the Lacedaemonians, who on receiving it
took their departure.

This was the first expedition into Asia of the
Lacedemonian Dorians.

57. The Samians who had fought against
Polycrates, when they knew that the Lacedae-
monians were about to forsake them, left Sa-
mos themselves, and sailed to Siphnos. They
happened to be in want of money; and the
Siphnians at that time were at the height of
their greatness, no islanders having so much
wealth as they. There were mines of gold and
silver in their country, and of so rich a yield,
that from a tithe of the ores the Siphnians
furnished out a treasury at Delphi which was
on a par with the grandest there. What the
mines yielded was divided year by year among

102

HERODOTUS

[BOOK in

the citizens. At the time when they formed the
treasury, the Siphnians consulted the oracle,
and asked whether their good things would re-
main to them many years. The Pythoness made
answer as follows:

When the Prytanies* seat shines white in the island
of Stphnos,

White-browed all the jorum need then of a true
seer's wisdom

Danger will threat from a wooden host, and a her-
ald in scarlet.

Now about this time the forum of the Siph-
nians and their townhall or prytaneum had
been adorned with Parian marble.

58. The Siphnians, however, were unable
to understand the oracle, either at the time
when it was given, or afterwards on the ar-
rival of the Samians. For these last no sooner
came to anchor off the island than they sent
one of their vessels, with an ambassage on
board, to the city. All ships in these early times
were painted with vermilion; and this was
what the Pythoness had meant when she told
them to beware of danger "from a wooden
host, and a herald in scarlet." So the ambas-
sadors came ashore and besought the Siphnians
to lend them ten talents; but the Siphnians re-
fused, whereupon the Samians began to plun-
der their lands. Tidings of this reached the
Siphnians, who straightway sallied forth to
save their crops; then a battle was fought, in
which the Siphnians suffered defeat, and many
of their number were cut off from the city by
the Samians, after which these latter forced the
Siphnians to give them a hundred talents.

59. With this money they bought of the
Hermionians the island of Hydrea, off the
coast of the Peloponnese, and this they gave
in trust to the Troezenians, to keep for them,
while they themselves went on to Crete, and
founded the city of Cydonia. They had not
meant, when they set sail, to settle there, but
only to drive out the Zacynthians from the is-
land. However they rested at Cydonia, where
they flourished greatly for five years. It was
they who built the various temples that may
still be seen at that place, and among them the
fane of Dictyna. But in the sixth year they
were attacked by the Eginetans, who beat
them in a sea-fight, and, with the help of the
Cretans, reduced them all to slavery. The beaks
of their ships, which carried the figure of a
wild boar, they sawed off, and laid them up in
the temple of Minerva in Egina. The Egine-
tans took part against the Samians on account
of an ancient grudge, since the Samians had

first, when Amphicrates was king of Samos,
made war on them and done great harm to
their island, suffering, however, much damage
also themselves. Such was the reason which
moved the Eginetans to make this attack.

60. I have dwelt the longer on the affairs of
the Samians, because three of the greatest
works in all Greece were made by them. One
is a tunnel, under a hill one hundred and fifty
fathoms high, carried entirely through the base
of the hill, with a mouth at either end. The
length ot the cutting is seven furlongs the
height and width are each eight feet. Along the
whole course there is a second cutting, twenty
cubits deep and three feet broad, whereby
water is brought, through pipes, from an
abundant source into the city. The architect of
this tunnel was Eupalinus, son of Naustroph-
us, a Megarian. Such is the first of their great
works; the second is a mole in the sea, which
goes all round the harbour, near twenty fath-
oms deep, and in length above two furlongs.
The third is a temple; the largest of all the
temples known to us, whereof Rhcecus, son
of Phileus, a Samian, was first architect. Be-
cause of these works I have dwelt the longer
on the affairs of Samos.

6r. While Cambyscs, son of Cyrus, after los-
ing his senses, still lingered in Egypt, two
Magi, brothers, revolted against him. One of
them had been left in Persia by Cambyses as
comptroller of his household; and it was he
who began the revolt. Aware that Smerdis
was dead, and that his death was hid and
known to few of the Persians, while most be-
lieved that he was still alive, he laid his plan,
and made a bold stroke for the crown. He had
a brother the same of whom I spoke before
as his partner in the revolt who happened
greatly to resemble Smerdis the son of Cyrus,
whom Cambyses his brother had put to death.
And not only was this brother of his like
Smerdis in person, but he also bore the self-
same name, to wit Smerdis. Patizeithes, the
other Magus, having persuaded him that he
would carry the whole business through, took
him and made him sit upon the royal throne.
Having so done, he sent heralds through all the
land, to Egypt and elsewhere, to make proc-
lamation to the troops that henceforth they
were to obey Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and not
Cambyses.

62. The other heralds therefore made proc-
lamation as they were ordered, and likewise
the herald whose place it was to proceed into
Egypt. He, when he reached Agbatana in

58-65]

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103

Syria, finding Cambyses and his army there,
went straight into the middle of the host, and
standing forth before them all, made the proc-
lamation which Patizeithes the Magus had
commanded. Cambyses no sooner heard him,
than believing that what the herald said was
true, and imagining that he had been betrayed
by Prexaspes (who, he supposed, had not put
Smerdis to death when sent into Persia for that
purpose), he turned his eyes full upon Prex-
aspes, and said, "Is this the way, Prexaspes,
that thou didst my errand?" "Oh! my liege,**
answered the other, "there is no truth in the
tidings that Smerdis thy brother has revolted
against thee, nor hast thou to fear in time to
come any quarrel, great or small, with that
man. With my own hands I wrought thy will
on him, and with my own hands I buried him.
[f of a truth the dead can leave their graves,
expect Astyages the Mede to rise and fight
against thee; but if the course of nature be the
same as formerly, then be sure no ill will ever
come upon thee from this quarter. Now, there-
fore, my counsel is that we send in pursuit of
the herald, and strictly question him who it
was that charged him to bid us obey king
Smerdis.**

63. When Prexaspes had so spoken, and
Cambyses had approved his words, the herald
was forthwith pursued, and brought back to
the king. Then Prexaspes said to him, "Sirrah,
thou bear'st us a message, sayst thou, from
Smerdis, son of Cyrus. Now answer truly, and
go thy way scathless. Did Smerdis have thee to
his presence and give thee thy orders, or hadst
thou them from one of his officers?** The her-
ald answered, "Truly I have not set eyes on
Smerdis son of Cyrus, since the day when king
Cambyses led the Persians into Egypt. The
man who gave me my orders was the Magus
that Cambyses left in charge of the household;
but he said that Smerdis son of Cyrus sent you
the message." In all this the herald spoke noth-
ing but the strict truth. Then Cambyses said
thus to Prexaspes: "Thou art free from all
blame, Prexaspes, since, as a right good man,
thou hast not failed to do the thing which I
:ommanded. But tell me now, which of the
Persians can have taken the name of Smerdis,
ind revolted from me?** "I think, my liege,**
tie answered, "that I apprehend the whole busi-
ness. The men who have risen in revolt
against thee are the two Magi, Patizeithes,
who was left comptroller of thy household, and
bis brother, who is named Smerdis.**

64. Cambyses no sooner heard the name of

Smerdis than he was struck with the truth of
Prexaspes' words, and the fulfilment of his
own dream the dream, I mean, which he had
in former days, when one appeared to him in
his sleep and told him that Smerdis sate upon
the royal throne, and with his head touched
the heavens. So when he saw that he had need-
lessly slain his brother Smerdis, he wept and
bewailed his loss: after which, smarting with
vexation as he thought of all his ill luck, he
sprang hastily upon his steed, meaning to
march his army with all haste to Susa against
the Magus. As he made his spring, the button
of his sword-sheath fell off, and the bared point
entered his thigh, wounding him exactly
where he had himself once wounded the Egyp-
tian god Apis. Then Cambyses, feeling that he
had got his death-wound, inquired the name of
the place where he was, and was answered,
"Agbatana." Now before this it had been told
him by the oracle at Buto that he should end
his days at Agbatana. He, however, had under-
stood the Median Agbatana, where all his
treasures were, and had thought that he should
die there in a good old age; but the oracle
meant Agbatana in Syria. So when Cambyses
heard the name of the place, the double shock
that he had received, from the revolt of the
Magus and from his wound, brought him back
to his senses. And he understood now the true
meaning of the oracle, and said, "Here then
Cambyses, son of Cyrus, is doomed to die.**

65. At this time he said no more; but twenty
days afterwards he called to his presence all the
chief Persians who were with the army, and
addressed them as follows: "Persians, needs
must I tell you now what hitherto I have striv-
en with the greatest care to keep concealed.
When I was in Egypt I saw in my sleep a vi-
sion, which would that I had never beheld! I
thought a messenger came to me from my
home, and told me that Smerdis sate upon the
royal throne, and with his head touched the
heavens. Then I feared to be cast from my
throne by Smerdis my brother, and I did what
was more hasty than wise. Ah! truly, do what
they may, it is impossible for men to turn aside
the coming fate. I, in my folly, sent Prexaspes
to Susa to put my brother to death. So this
great woe was accomplished, and I then lived
without fear, never imagining that, after Smer-
dis was dead, I need dread revolt from any
other. But herein I had quite mistaken what
was about to happen, and so I slew my brother
without any need, and nevertheless have lost
my crown. For it was Smerdis the Magus, and

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not Smerdis my brother, of whose rebellion
God forewarned me by the vision. The deed is
done, however, and Smerdis, son of Cyrus, be
sure is lost to you. The Magi have the royal
power Patizeithes, whom I left at Susa to
overlook my household, and Smerdis his broth-
er. There was one who would have been
bound beyond ail others to avenge the wrongs
I have suffered from these Magians, but he,
alasl has perished by a horrid fate, deprived of
life by those nearest and dearest to him. In his
default, nothing now remains for me but to
tell you, O Persians, what I would wish to have
done after I have breathed my last. Therefore,
in the name of the gods that watch over our
royal house, I charge you all, and specially such
of you as are Achaemenids, that ye do not tame-
ly allow the kingdom to go back to the Medes.
Recover it one way or another, by force or
fraud; by fraud, if it is by fraud that they have
seized on it; by force, if force has helped them
in their enterprise. Do this, and then may your
land bring you forth fruit abundantly, and
your wives bear children, and your herds in-
crease, and freedom be your portion for ever:
but do it not make no brave struggle to re-
gain the kingdom and then my curse be on
you, and may the opposite of all these things
happen to you and not only so, but may you,
one and all, perish at the last by such a fate as
mine!" Then Cambyses, when he left speak-
ing, bewailed his whole misfortune from be-
ginning to end.

66. Whereupon the Persians, seeing their
king weep, rent the garments that they had on,
and uttered lamentable cries; after which, as
the bone presently grew carious, and the limb
gangrened, Cambyses, son of Cyrus, died. He
had reigned in all seven years and five months,
and left no issue behind him, male or female.
The Persians who had heard his words, put no
faith in anything that he said concerning the
Magi having the royal power; but believed that
he spoke out of hatred towards Smerdis, and
had invented the tale of his death to cause the
whole Persian race to rise up in arms against
him. Thus they were convinced that it was
Smerdis the son of Cyrus who had rebelled and
now sate on the throne. For Prexaspes stoutly
denied that he had slain Smerdis, since it was
not safe for him, after Cambyses was dead, to
allow that a son of Cyrus had met with death
at his hands.

67, Thus then Cambyses died, and the
Magus now reigned in security, and passed
himself off for Smerdis the son of Cyrus. And

so went by the seven months which were
wanting to complete the eighth year of Cam-
byses. His subjects, while his reign lasted, re-
ceived great benefits from him, insomuch that,
when he died, all the dwellers in Asia
mourned his loss exceedingly, except only the
Persians. For no sooner did he come to the
throne than forthwith he sent round to every
nation under his rule, and granted them free-
dom from war-service and from taxes for the
space of three years.

68. In the eighth month, however, it was
discovered who he was in the mode following.
There was a man called Otanes, the son of
Pharnaspes, who for rank and wealth was
equal to the greatest of the Persians. This
Otanes was the first to suspect that the Magus
was not Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and to sur-
mise moreover who he really was. He was led
to guess the truth by the king never quitting
the citadel, and never calling before him any
of the Persian noblemen. As soon, therefore, as
his suspicions were aroused he adopted the fol-
lowing measures: One of his daughters, who
was called Phaedima, had been married to Cam-
byses, and was taken to wife, together with the
rest of Cambyses' wives, by the Magus. To this
daughter Otanes sent a message, and inquired
of her "who it was whose bed she shared,
was it Smerdis the son of Cyrus, or was it
some other man?" Phaedima in reply declared
she did not know Smerdis the son of Cyrus
she had never seen, and so she could not tell
whose bed she shared. Upon this Otanes sent
a second time, and said, "If thou dost not
know Smerdis son of Cyrus thyself, ask queen
Atossa who it is with whom ye both live she
cannot fail to know her own brother." To this
the daughter made answer, "I can neither get
speech with Atossa, nor with any of the women
who lodge in the palace. For no sooner did this
man, be he who he may, obtain the kingdom,
than he parted us from one another, and gave
us all separate chambers."

69. This made the matter seem still more
plain to Otanes. Nevertheless he sent a third
message to his daughter in these words follow-
ing: "Daughter, thou art of noble blood
thou wilt not shrink from a risk which thy
father bids thee encounter. If this fellow be
not Smerdis the son of Cyrus, but the man
whom I think him to be, his boldness in tak-
ing thee to be his wife, and lording it over the
Persians, must not be allowed to pass unpun-
ished. Now therefore do as I command when
next he passes the night with thee, wait till

66-73]

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105

thou art sure he is fast asleep, and then feel for
his ears. If thou findest him to have ears, then
believe him to be Smerdis the son of Cyrus, but
if he has none, know him for Smerdis the
Magian." Phaedima returned for answer, "It
would be a great risk. If he was without ears,
and caught her feeling for them, she well knew
he would make away with her nevertheless
she would venture." So Otanes got his daugh-
ter's promise that she would do as he desired.
Now Smerdis the Magian had had his ears cut
off in the lifetime of Cyrus son of Cambyses, as
a punishment for a crime of no slight heinous-
ness. Phaedima therefore, Otanes' daughter,
bent on accomplishing what she had promised
her father, when her turn came, and she was
taken to the bed of the Magus (in Persia a
man's wives sleep with him in their turns),
waited till he was sound asleep, and then felt
for his ears. She quickly perceived that he had
no ears; and of this, as soon as day dawned, she
sent word to her father.

70. Then Otanes took to him two of the
chief Persians, Aspathmes and Gobryas, men
whom it was most advisable to trust in such a
matter, and told them everything. Now they
had already of themselves suspected how the
matter stood. When Otanes therefore laid his
reasons before them they at once came into his
views; and it was agreed that each of the three
should take as companion in the work the
Persian in whom he placed the greatest con-
fidence. Then Otanes chose Intaphernes, Go-
bryas Megabyzus, and Aspathmes Hydarnes.
After the number had thus become six, Darius,
the son of Hystaspes, arrived at Susa from Per-
sia, whereof his father was governor. On his
coming it seemed good to the six to take him
likewise into their counsels.

71. After this, the men, being now seven in
all, met together to exchange oaths, and hold
discourse with one another. And when it
came to the turn of Darius to speak his mind,
he said as follows: "Methought no one but I
knew that Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, was not
now alive, and that Smerdis the Magian ruled
over us; on this account I came hither with
speed, to compass the death of the Magian.
But as it seems the matter is known to you all,
and not to me only, my judgment is that we
should act at once, and not any longer delay.
For to do so were not well." Otanes spoke upon
this: "Son of Hystaspes," said he, "thou art
the child of a brave father, and seemest likely
to show thyself as bold a gallant as he. Beware,
however, of rash haste in this matter; do not

hurry so, but proceed with soberness. We must
add to our number ere we adventure to strike
the blow." "Not so," Darius rejoined; "for let
all present be well assured that if the advice of
Otanes guide our acts, we shall perish most
miserably. Some one will betray our plot to the
Magians for lucre's sake. Ye ought to have
kept the matter to yourselves, and so made the
venture; but as ye have chosen to take others
into your secret, and have opened the matter to
me, take my advice and make the attempt to-
day or if not, if a single day be suffered to
pass by, be sure that I will let no one betray me
to the Magian. I myself will go to him, and
plainly denounce you all."

72. Otanes, when he saw Darius so hot, re-
plied, "But if thou wilt force us to action, and
not allow a day's delay, tell us, I pray thee, hpw
we shall get entrance into the palace, so as to
set upon them. Guards are placed everywhere,
as thou thyself well knowest for if thou hast
not seen, at least thou hast heard tell of them.
How are we to pass these guards, I ask thee?"
"Otanes," answered Darius, "there are many
things easy enough in act, which by speech it
is hard to explain. There are also things con-
cerning which speech is easy, but no noble ac-
tion follows when the speech is done. As for
these guards, ye know well that we shall not
find it hard to make our way through them.
Our rank alone would cause them to allow us
to enter shame and fear alike forbidding
them to say us nay. But besides, I have the fair-
est plea that can be conceived for gaining ad-
mission. I can say that I have just come from
Persia, and have a message to deliver to the
king from my father. An untruth must be
spoken, where need requires. For whether men
lie, or say true, it is with one and the same ob-
ject. Men lie, because they think to gain by
deceiving others; and speak the truth, because
they expect to get something by their true
speaking, and to be trusted afterwards in more
important matters. Thus, though their conduct
is so opposite, the end of both is alike. If there
were no gain to be got, your true-speaking man
would tell untruths as much as your liar, and
your liar would tell the truth as much as your
true-speaking man. The doorkeeper, who lets
us in readily, shall have his guerdon some day
or other; but woe to the man who resists us,
he must forthwith be declared an enemy. Forc-
ing our way past him, we will press in and go
straight to our work."

73. After Darius had thus said, Gobryas
spoke as follows: "Dear friends, when will

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a fitter occasion offer for us to recover the king-
dom, or, if we are not strong enough, at least
die in the attempt? Consider that we Persians
are governed by a Median Magus, and one, too,
who has had his ears cut off! Some of you were
present when Cambyses lay upon his death-
bed such, doubtless, remember what curses
he called down upon the Persians if they made
no effort to recover the kingdom. Then, in-
deed, we paid but little heed to what he said,
because we thought he spoke out of hatred to
set us against his brother. Now, however, my
vote is that we do as Darius has counselled
march straight in a body to the palace from the
place where we now are, and forthwith set
upon the Magian." So Gobryas spake, and the
others all approved.

74. While the seven were thus taking coun-
sel together, it so chanced that the following
events were happening: The Magi had been
thinking what they had best do, and had re-
solved for many reasons to make a friend of
Prexaspes. They knew how cruelly he had
been outraged by Cambyses, who slew his son
with an arrow; they were also aware that it
was by his hand that Smerdis the son of Cyrus
fell, and that he was the only person privy to
that prince's death; and they further found
him to be held in the highest esteem by all the
Persians. So they called him to them, made
him their friend, and bound him by a promise
and by oaths to keep silence about the fraud
which they were practising upon the Persians,
and not discover it to any one; and they
pledged themselves that in this case they would
give him thousands of gifts of every sort and
kind. So Prexaspes agreed, and the Magi, when
they found that they had persuaded him so
far, went on to another proposal, and said they
would assemble the Persians at the foot of the
palace wall, and he should mount one of the
towers and harangue them from it, assuring
them that Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and none
but he, ruled the land. This they bade him do,
because Prexaspes was a man of great weight
with his countrymen, and had often declared
in public that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was
still alive, and denied being his murderer.

75. Prexaspes said he was quite ready to do
their will in the matter; so the Magi assembled
the people, and placed Prexaspes upon the top
of the tower, and told him to make his speech.
Then this man, forgetting of set purpose all
that the Magi had intreated him to say, began
with Achaemenes, and traced down the descent
of Cyrus; after which, when he came to that

king, he recounted all the services that had
been rendered by him to the Persians, from
whence he went on to declare the truth, which
hitherto he had concealed, he said, because it
would not have been safe for him to make it
known, but now necessity was laid on him to
disclose the whole. Then he told how, forced
to it by Cambyses, he had himself taken the life
of Smerdis, son of Cyrus, and how that Persia
was now ruled by the Magi. Last of all, with
many curses upon the Persians if they did not
recover the kingdom, and wreak vengeance on
the Magi, he threw himself headlong from the
tower into the abyss below. Such was the end
of Prexaspes, a man all his life of high repute
among the Persians.

76. And now the seven Persians, having re-
solved that they would attack the Magi with-
out more delay, first offered prayers to the gods
and then set off for the palace, quite unac-
quainted with what had been done by Prexas-
pes. The news of his doings reached them
upon their way, when they had accomplished
about half the distance. Hereupon they turned
aside out of the road, and consulted together.
Otanes and his party said they must certainly
put off the business, and not make the attack
when affairs were in such a ferment. Darius,
on the other hand, and his friends, were
against any change of plan, and wished to go
straight on, and not lose a moment. Now, as
they strove together, suddenly there came
in sight two pairs of vultures, and seven
pairs of hawks, pursuing them, and the hawks
tore the vultures both with their claws and
bills. At this sight the seven with one accord
came in to the opinion of Darius, and encour-
aged by the omen hastened on towards the
palace.

77. At the gate they were received as Darius
had foretold. The guards, who had no suspi-
cion that they came for any ill purpose, and
held the chief Persians in much reverence, let
them pass without difficulty it seemed as if
they were under the special protection of the
gods none even asked them any question.
When they were now in the great court they
fell in with certain of the eunuchs, whose bus-
iness it was to carry the king's messages, who
stopped them and asked what they wanted,
while at the same time they threatened the
doorkeepers for having let them enter. The
seven sought to press on, but the eunuchs
would not suffer them. Then these men, with
cheers encouraging one another, drew their
daggers, and stabbing those who strove to

]

THE HISTORY

107

withstand them, rushed forward to the apart-
ment of the males.

78. Now both the Magi were at this time
within, holding counsel upon the matter of
Prexaspes. So when they heard the stir among
the eunuchs, and their loud cries, they ran out
themselves, to see what was happening. In-
stantly perceiving their danger, they both flew
to arms; one had just time to seize his bow, the
other got hold of his lance; when straightway
the fight began. The one whose weapon was
the bow found it of no service at all; the foe
was too near, and the combat too close to allow
of his using it. But the other made a stout de-
fence with his lance, wounding two of the
seven, Aspathines in the leg, and Intaphernes
in the eye. This wound did not kill Intaphernes,
but it cost him the sight of that eye. The other
Magus, when he found his bow of no avail,
fled into a chamber which opened out into the
apartment of the males, intending to shut to
the doors. But two of the seven entered the
room with him, Darius and Gobryas. Gobryas
seized the Magus and grappled with him,
while Darius stood over them, not knowing
what to do; for it was dark, and he was afraid
that if he struck a blow he might kill Gobryas.
Then Gobyras, when he perceived that Darius
stood doing nothing, asked him, "why his
hand was idle?" "I fear to hurt thee," he
answered. "Fear not," said Gobryas; "strike,
though it be through both." Darius did as he
desired, drove his dagger home, and by good
hap killed the Magus.

79. Thus were the Magi slain; and the seven,
cutting off both the heads, and leaving their
own wounded in the palace, partly because
they were disabled, and partly to guard the cit-
adel, went forth from the gates with the heads
in their hands, shouting and making an up-
roar. They called out to all the Persians whom
they met, and told them what had happened,
showing them the heads of the Magi, while at
the same time they slew every Magus who fell
in their way. Then the Persians, when they
knew what the seven had done, and under-
stood the fraud of the Magi, thought it but just
to follow the example set them, and, drawing
their daggers, they killed the Magi wherever
they could find any. Such was their fury, that,
unless night had closed in, not a single Magus
would have been left alive. The Persians ob-
serve this day with one accord, and keep it
more strictly than any other in the whole year.
It is then that they hold the great festival,
which they call the Magophonia. No Magus

may show himself abroad during the whole
time that the feast lasts; but all must remain at
home the entire day.

80. And now when five days were gone, and
the hubbub had settled down, the conspirators
met together to consult about the situation of
affairs. At this meeting speeches were made, to
which many of the Greeks give no credence,
but they were made nevertheless. Otanes rec-
ommended that the management of public af-
fairs should be entrusted to the whole nation.
"To me," he said, "it seems advisable, that we
should no longer have a single man to rule
over us the rule of one is neither good nor
pleasant. Ye cannot have forgotten to what
lengths Cambyses went in his haughty tyranny,
and the haughtiness of the Magi ye have your-
selves experienced. How indeed is it possible
that monarchy should be a well-adjusted thing,
when it allows a man to do as he likes without
being answerable? Such licence is enough to
stir strange and unwonted thoughts in the
heart of the worthiest of men. Give a person
this power, and straightway his manifold good
things puff him up with pride, while envy is
so natural to human kind that it cannot but
arise in him. But pride and envy together in-
clude all wickedness both of them leading on
to deeds of savage violence. True it is that
kings, possessing as they do all that heart can de-
sire, ought to be void of envy; but the contrary
is seen in their conduct towards the citizens.
They are jealous of the most virtuous among
their subjects, and wish their death; while they
take delight in the meanest and basest, being
ever ready to listen to the tales of slanderers. A
king, besides, is beyond all other men incon-
sistent with himself. Pay him court in modera-
tion, and he is angry because you do not show
him more profound respect show him pro-
found respect, and he is offended again, be-
cause (as he says) you fawn on him. But the
worst of all is, that he sets aside the laws of the
land, puts men to death without trial, and sub-
jects women to violence. The rule of the many,
on the other hand, has, in the first place, the
fairest of names, to wit, isonomy; and further
it is free from all those outrages which a king
is wont to commit. There, places are given by
lot, the magistrate is answerable for what he
does, and measures rest with the commonalty.
I vote, therefore, that we do away with mon-
archy, and raise the people to power. For the
people are all in all."

81. Such were the sentiments of Otancs
Megabyzus spoke next, and advised the setting

108

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up of an oligarchy: "In all that Otancs has
said to persuade you to put down monarchy,"
he observed, "I fully concur; but his recom-
mendation that we should call the people to
power seems to me not the best advice. For
there is nothing so void of understanding,
nothing so full of wantonness, as the unwieldy
rabble. It were folly not to be borne, for men,
while seeking to escape the wantonness of a
tyrant, to give themselves up to the wanton-
ness of a rude unbridled mob. The tyrant, in
all his doings, at least knows what is he about,
but a mob is altogether devoid of knowledge;
for how should there be any knowledge in a
rabble, untaught, and with no natural sense of
what is right and fit? It rushes wildly into state
affairs with all the fury of a stream swollen in
the winter, and confuses everything. Let the
enemies of the Persians be ruled by democra-
cies; but let us choose out from the citizens a
certain number of the worthiest, and put the
government into their hands. For thus both we
ourselves shall be among the governors, and
power being entrusted to the best men, it is
likely that the best counsels will prevail in the
state."

82. This was the advice which Megabyzus
gave, and after him Darius came forward, and
spoke as follows: "All that Megabyzus said
against democracy was well said, I think; but
about oligarchy he did not speak advisedly; for
take these three forms of government democ-
racy, oligarchy, and monarchy and let them
each be at their best, I maintain that monarchy
far surpasses the other two. What government
can possibly be better than that of the very best
man in the whole state? The counsels of such
a man are like himself, and so he governs the
mass of the people to their heart's content;
while at the same time his measures against
evil-doers are kept more secret than in other
states. Contrariwise, in oligarchies, where men
vie with each other in the service of the com-
monwealth, fierce enmities are apt to arise be-
tween man and man, each wishing to be lead-
er, and to carry his own measures; whence vio-
lent quarrels come, which lead to open strife,
often ending in bloodshed. Then monarchy is
sure to follow; and this too shows how far that
rule surpasses all others. Again, in a democra-
cy, it is impossible but that there will be mal-
practices: these malpractices, however, do not
lead to enmities, but to close friendships,
which are formed among those engaged in
them, who must hold well together to carry on
their villainies. And so things go on until a

man stands forth as champion of the common-
alty, and puts down the evil-doers. Straight-
way the author of so great a service is admired
by all, and from being admired soon comes to
be appointed king; so that here too it is plain
that monarchy is the best government. Lastly,
to sum up all in a word, whence, I ask, was it
that we got the freedom which we enjoy?
did democracy give it us, or oligarchy, or a
monarch? As a single man recovered our free-
dom for us, my sentence is that we keep to the
rule of one. Even apart from this, we ought not
to change the laws of our forefathers when they
work fairly; for to do so is not well."

83. Such were the three opinions brought
forward at this meeting; the four other Per-
sians voted in favour of the last. Otanes, who
wished to give his countrymen a democracy,
when he found the decision against him, arose
a second time, and spoke thus before the as-
sembly: "Brother conspirators, it is plain that
the king who is to be chosen will be one of our-
selves, whether we make the choice by casting
lots for the prize, or by letting the people de-
cide which of us they will have to rule over
them, in or any other way. Now, as I have
neither a mind to rule nor to be ruled, I shall
not enter the lists with you in this matter. I
withdraw, however, on one condition none of
you shall claim to exercise rule over me or my
seed for ever." The six agreed to these terms,
and Otancs withdraw and stood aloof from
the contest. And still to this day the family of
Otanes continues to be the only free family in
Persia; those who belong to it submit to the
rule of the king only so far as they themselves
choose; they are bound, however, to observe
the laws of the land like the other Persians.

84. After this the six took counsel together,
as to the fairest way of setting up a king: and
first, with respect to Otanes, they resolved, that
if any ot their own number got the kingdom,
Otanes and his seed after him should receive
year by year, as a mark of special honour, a
Median robe, and all such other gifts as are ac-
counted the most honourable in Persia. And
these they resolved to give him, because he was
the man who first planned the outbreak, and
who brought the seven together. These privi-
leges, therefore, were assigned specially to
Otanes. The following were made common to
them all: It was to be free to each, whenever
he pleased, to enter the palace unannounced,
unless the king were in the company of one of
his wives; and the king was to be bound to
marry into no family excepting those of the

82-89]

THE HISTORY

109

conspirators. Concerning the appointment of
a king, the resolve to which they came was the
following: They would ride out together
next morning into the skirts of the city, and he
whose steed first neighed after the sun was up
should have the kingdom.

85. Now Darius had a groom, a sharp-wit-
ted knave, called CEbares. After the meeting
had broken up, Darius sent for him, and said,
"CEbares, this is the way in which the king is
to be chosen we are to mount our horses, and
the man whose horse first neighs after the sun
is up is to have the kingdom. If then you have
any cleverness, contrive a plan whereby the
prize may fall to us, and not go to another."
"Truly, master," CEbares answered, "if it de-
pends on this whether thou shalt be king or no,
set thine heart at ease, and fear nothing: I
have a charm which is sure not to fail." "If
thou hast really aught of the kind," said Dari-
us, "hasten to get it ready. The matter does
not brook delay, for the trial is to be to-mor-
row." So CEbares when he heard that, did as
follows: When night came, he took one of
the mares, the chief favourite of the horse
which Darius rode, and tethering it in the sub-
urb, brought his master's horse to the place;
then, after leading him round and round the
mare several times, nearer and nearer at each
circuit, he ended by letting them come togeth-
er.

86. And now, when the morning broke, the
six Persians, according to agreement, met to-
gether on horseback, and rode out to the sub-
urb. As they went along they neared the spot
where the mare was tethered the night before,
whereupon the horse of Darius sprang for-
ward and neighed. Just at the same time,
though the sky was clear and bright, there was
a flash of lightning, followed by a thunder-
clap. It seemed as if the heavens conspired with
Darius, and hereby inaugurated him king: so
the five other nobles leaped with one accord
from their steeds, and bowed down before him
and owned him for their king.

87. This is the account which some of the
Persians gave of the contrivance of CEbares;
but there are others who relate the matter dif-
ferently. They say that in the morning he
stroked the mare with his hand, which he then
hid in his trousers until the sun rose and the
horses were about to start, when he suddenly
drew his hand forth and put it to the nostrils
of his master's horse, which immediately snort-
ed and neighed.

88. Thus was Darius, son of Hystaspes, ap-

pointed king; and, except the Arabians, all they
of Asia were subject to him; for Cyrus, and
after him Cambyses, had brought them all un-
der. The Arabians were never subject as slaves
to the Persians, but had a league of friendship
with them from the time when they brought
Cambyses on his way as he went into Egypt;
for had they been unfriendly the Persians
could never have made their invasion.

And now Darius contracted marriages of the
first rank, according to the notions of the Per-
sians: to wit, with two daughters of Cyrus,
Atossa and Artystone; of whom, Atossa had
been twice married before, once to Cambyses,
her brother, and once to the Magus, while the
other, Artystone, was a virgin. He married also
Parmys, daughter of Smerdis, son of Cyrus;
and he likewise took to wife the daughter of
Otanes, who had made the discovery about the
Magus. And now when his power was estab-
lished firmly throughout all the kingdoms, the
first thing that he did was to set up a carving
in stone, which showed a man mounted upon
a horse, with an inscription in these words fol-
lowing: "Darius, son of Hystaspes, by aid of
his good horse" (here followed the horse's
name), "and of his good groom CEbares, got
himself the kingdom of the Persians."

89. This he set up in Persia; and afterwards
he proceeded to establish twenty governments
of the kind which the Persians call satrapies,
assigning to each its governor, and fixing the
tribute which was to be paid him by the sev-
eral nations. And generally he joined together in
one satrapy the nations that were neighbours,
but sometimes he passed over the nearer tribes,
and put in their stead those which were more
remote. The following is an^pcount of these
governments, and of the yearly tribute which
they paid to the king: Such as brought their
tribute in silver were ordered to pay according
to the Babylonian talent; while the Euboic was
the standard measure for such as brought gold.
Now the Babylonian talent contains seventy
Euboic minac. 1 During all the reign of Cyrus,
and afterwards when Cambyses ruled, there
were no fixed tributes, but the nations several-
ly brought gifts to the king. On account of this

Standards of weight probably passed into
Greece from Asia, when the word mina (M*^)
seems certainly to have been derived. That the
standard known to the Greeks as the Euboic was
an Asiatic one, is plain from this passage. If the
(later) Attic talent was worth ^243 155., the Eu-
boic (silver) talent would be 250 8s. 5d., and the
Babylonian ^292 3 s - 3d*

110

HERODOTUS

[BooK m

and other like doings, the Persians say that
Darius was a huckster, Cambyses a master, and
Cyrus a father; for Darius looked to making a
gain in everything; Cambyses was harsh and
reckless; while Cyrus was gentle, and pro-
cured them all manner of goods.

90. The lonians, the Magnesians of Asia,
the jEolians, the Carians, the Lycians, the Mily-
ans, and the Pamphylians, paid their tribute
in a single sum, which was fixed at four hun-
dred talents of silver. These formed together
the first satrapy.

The Mysians, Lydians, Lasonians, Cabalians,
and Hygennians paid the sum of five hundred
talents. This was the second satrapy.

The Hellespontians, of the right coast as one
enters the straits, the Phrygians, the Asiatic
Thracians, the Paphlagonians, the Mariandy-
nians, and the Syrians paid a tribute of three
hundred and sixty talents. This was the third
satrapy.

The Cilicians gave three hundred and sixty
white horses, one for each day in the year, and
five hundred talents of silver. Of this sum one
hundred and forty talents went to pay the cav-
alry which guarded the country, while the
remaining three hundred and sixty were re-
ceived by Darius. This was the fourth satrapy.

91. The country reaching from the city of
Posideium (built by Amphilochus, son of Am-
phiaraiis, on the confines of Syria and Cilicia)
to the borders of Egypt, excluding therefrom
a district which belonged to Arabia and was
free from tax, paid a tribute of three hundred
and fifty talents. All Phoenicia, Palestine Syria,
and Cyprus, were herein contained. This was
the fifth satrapy.

From Egypt, nd the neighbouring parts of
Libya, together with the towns of Cyrene and
Barca, which belonged to the Egyptian satrapy,
the tribute which came in was seven hundred
talents. These seven hundred talents did not
include the profits of the fisheries of Lake Mce-
ris, nor the corn furnished to the troops at
Memphis. Corn was supplied to 120,000 Per-
sians, who dwelt at Memphis in the quarter
called the White Castle, and to a number of
auxiliaries. This was the sixth satrapy.

The Sattagydians, the Gandarians, the Da-
dicae, and the Aparytae, who were all reckoned
together, paid a tribute of a hundred and sev-
enty talents. This was the seventh satrapy.

Susa, and the other parts of Cissia, paid three
hundred talents. This was the eighth satrapy.

92. From Babylonia, and the rest of Assyria,
were drawn a thousand talents of silver, and

five hundred boy-eunuchs. This was the ninth
satrapy.

Agbatana, and the other parts of Media, to-
gether with the Paricanians and Orthocory-
bantes, paid in all four hundred and fifty tal-
ents. This was the tenth satrapy.

The Caspians, Pausicae, Pantimathi, and
Daritae, were joined in one government, and
paid the sum of two hundred talents. This was
the eleventh satrapy.

From the Bactrian tribes as far as the ^gli,
the tribute received was three hundred and
sixty talents. This was the twelfth satrapy.

93. From Pactyi'ca, Armenia, and the coun-
tries reaching thence to the Euxine, the sum
drawn was four hundred talents. This was the
thirteenth satrapy.

The Sagartians, Sarangians, Thamana^ans,
Utians, and Mycians, together with the inhab-
itants of the islands in the Erythraean sea,
where the king sends those whom he banishes,
furnished altogether a tribute of six hundred
talents. This was the fourteenth satrapy.

The Sacans and Caspians gave two hun-
dred and fifty talents. This was the fifteenth
satrapy.

The Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, and
Anans, gave three hundred. This was the six-
teenth satrapy.

94. The Paricanians and Ethiopians of Asia
furnished a tribute of four hundred talents.
This was the seventeenth satrapy.

The Matienians, Saspeires, and Alarodians
were rated to pay two hundred talents. This
was the eighteenth satrapy.

The Moschi, Tibareni, Macrones, Mosynceci,
and Mares had to pay three hundred talents.
This was the nineteenth satrapy.

The Indians, who are more numerous than
any other nation with which we are acquaint-
ed, paid a tribute exceeding that of every other
people, to wit, three hundred and sixty talents
of gold-dust. This was the twentieth satrapy.

95. If the Babylonian money here spoken of
be reduced to the Euboic scale, it will make
nine thousand five hundred and forty such tal-
ents; and if the gold be reckoned at thirteen
times the worth of silver, the Indian gold-dust
will come to four thousand six hundred and
eighty talents. Add these two amounts togeth-
er and the whole revenue which came in to
Darius year by year will be found to be
in Euboic money fourteen thousand five hun-
dred and sixty talents, not to mention parts of
a talent.

96. Such was the revenue which Darius de-

90-102]

rived from Asia and a small part of Libya. La-
ter in his reign the sum was increased by the
tribute of the islands, and of the nations of Eu-
rope as far as Thessaly. The Great King stores
away the tribute which he receives after this
fashion he melts it down, and, while it is in
a liquid state, runs it into earthen vessels,
which are afterwards removed, leaving the
metal in a solid mass. When money is wanted,
he coins as much of this bullion as the occasion
requires.

97. Such then were the governments, and
such the amounts of tribute at which they were
assessed respectively. Persia alone has not been
reckoned among the tributaries and for this
reason, because the country of the Persians is
altogether exempt from tax. The following
peoples paid no settled tribute, but brought
gifts to the king: first, the Ethiopians border-
ing upon Egypt, who were reduced by Cam-
byses when he made war on the long-lived Ethi-
opians, and who dwell about the sacred city
of Nysa, and have festivals in honour of Bac-
chus. The grain on which they and their next
neighbours feed is the same as that used by the
Calantian Indians. Their dwelling-houses are
under ground. Every third year these two na-
tions brought and they still bring to my day
two choenices 1 of virgin gold, two hundred
logs of ebony, five Ethiopian boys, and twenty
elephant tusks. The Colchians, and the neigh-
bouring tribes who dwell between them and
the Caucasus for so far the Persian rule reach-
es, while north of the Caucasus no one fears
them any longer undertook to furnish a gift,
which in my day was still brought every fifth
year, consisting of a hundred boys, and the
same number of maidens. The Arabs brought
every year a thousand talents of frankincense.
Such were the gifts which the king received
over and above the tribute-money.

98. The way in which the Indians get the
plentiful supply of gold which enables them
to furnish year by year so vast an amount of
gold-dust to the king, is the following: east-
ward of India lies a tract which is entirely
sand. Indeed of all the inhabitants of Asia, con-
cerning whom anything certain is known, the
Indians dwell the nearest to the east, and the
rising of the sun. Beyond them the whole
country is desert on account of the sand. The
tribes of Indians are numerous, and do not all
speak the same language some are wandering
tribes, others not. They who dwell in the
marshes along the river live on raw fish, which

1 About two quarts.

THE HISTORY

111

they take in boats made of reeds, each formed
out of a single joint. These Indians wear a
dress of sedge, which they cut in the river and
bruise; afterwards they weave it into mats, and
wear it as we wear a breast-plate.

99. Eastward of these Indians are another
tribe, called Padaeans, who are wanderers, and
live on raw flesji. This tribe is said to have the
following customs: If one of their number
be ill, man or woman, they take the sick per-
son, and if he be a man, the men of his acquaint-
ance proceed to put him to death, because,
they say, his flesh would be spoilt for them if
he pined and wasted away with sickness. The
man protests he is not ill in the least; but his
friends will not accept his denial in spite of
all he can say, they kill him, and feast them-
selves on his body. So also if a woman be sick,
the women, who are her friends, take her and
do with her exactly the same as the men. If one
of them reaches to old age, about which there
is seldom any question, as commonly before
that time they have had some disease or other,
and so have been put to death but if a man,
notwithstanding, comes to be old, then they
ofTer him in sacrifice to their gods, and after-
wards eat his flesh.

100. There is another set of Indians whose
customs are very different. They refuse to put
any live animal to death, they sow no corn, and
have no dwelling-houses. Vegetables are their
only food. There is a plant which grows wild
in their country, bearing seed, about the size
of millet-seed, in a calyx: their wont is to gath-
er this seed and having boiled it, calyx and
all, to use it for food. If one of them is attacked
with sickness, he goes forth into the wilderness,
and lies down to die; no one has the least con-
cern either for the sick or for the dead.

101. All the tribes which I have mentioned
live together like the brute beasts: they have
also all the same tint of skin, which approaches
that of the Ethiopians. Their country is a long
way from Persia towards the south: nor had
king Darius ever any authority over them.

102. Besides these, there are Indians of an-
other tribe, who border on the city of Caspaty-
rus, and the country of Pactyica; these people
dwell northward of all the rest of the Indians,
and follow nearly the same mode of life as the
Bactrians. They are more warlike than any of
the other tribes, and from them the men are
sent forth who go to procure the gold. For it is
in this part of India that the sandy desert lies.
Here, in this desert, there live amid the sand
great ants, in size somewhat less than dogs,

112

HERODOTUS

[BOOK in

but bigger than foxes. The Persian king has a
number of them, which have been caught by
the hunters in the land whereof we are speak-
ing. Those ants make their dwellings under
ground, and like the Greek ants, which they
very much resemble in shape, throw up sand-
heaps as they burrow. Now the sand which
they throw up is full of golcj. The Indians,
when they go into the desert to collect this
sand, take three camels and harness them to-
gether, a female in the middle and a male on
either side, in a leading-rein. The rider sits on
the female, and they are particular to choose
for the purpose one that has but just dropped
her young; for their female camels can run as
fast as horses, while they bear burthens very
much better.

103. As the Greeks are well acquainted with
the shape of the camel, I shall not trouble to
describe it; but I shall mention what seems to
have escaped their notice. The camel has in its
hind legs four thigh-bones and four knee-
joints. 1

104. When the Indians therefore have thus
equipped themselves they set off in quest of
the gold, calculating the time so that they may
be engaged in seizing it during the most sultry
part of the day, when the ants hide themselves
to escape the heat. The sun in those parts shines
fiercest in the morning, not, as elsewhere, at
noonday; the greatest heat is from the time
when he has reached a certain height, until the
hour at which the market closes. During this
space he burns much more furiously than at
midday in Greece, so that the men there are
said at that time to drench themselves with
water. At noon his heat is much the same in
India as in other countries, after which, as the
day declines, the warmth is only equal to that
of the morning sun elsewhere. Towards eve-
ning the coolness increases, till about sunset it
becomes very cold.

105. When the Indians reach the place
where the gold is, they fill their bags with the
sand, and ride away at their best speed: the
ants, however, scenting them, as the Persians
say, rush forth in pursuit. Now these animals
are, they declare, so swift, that there is nothing
in the world like them: if it were not, there-
fore, that the Indians get a start while the ants
are mustering, not a single gold-gatherer could

1 This is of course untrue, and it is difficult to
understand how Herodotus could entertain such a
notion. There is no real difference, as regards the
anatomy of the leg, between the horse and the
camel.

escape. During the flight the male camels,
which are not so fleet as the females, grow
tired, and begin to drag, first one, and then the
other; but the females recollect the young
which they have left behind, and never give
way or flag. Such, according to the Persians, is
the manner in which the Indians get the great-
er part of their gold; some is dug out of the
earth, but of this the supply is more scanty.

106. It seems as if the extreme regions of the
earth were blessed by nature with the most ex-
cellent productions, just in the same way that
Greece enjoys a climate more excellently tem-
pered than any other country. In India, which,
as I observed lately, is the furthest region of the
inhabited world towards the east, all the four-
footed beasts and the birds are very much big-
ger than those found elsewhere, except only the
horses, which are surpassed by the Median
breed called the Nissan. Gold too is produced
there in vast abundance, some dug from the
earth, some washed down by the rivers, some
carried off in the mode which I have but now
described. And further, there are trees which
grow wild there, the fruit whereof is a wool
exceeding in beauty and goodness that of
sheep. The natives make their clothes of this
tree- wool.

107. Arabia is the last of inhabited lands to-
wards the south, and it is the only country
which produces frankincense, myrrh, cassia,
cinnamon, and ledanum. The Arabians do not
get any of these, except the myrrh, without
trouble. The frankincense they procure by
means of the gum styrax, which the Greeks ob-
tain from the Phoenicians; this they burn, and
thereby obtain the spice. For the trees which
bear the frankincense are guarded by winged
serpents, small in size, and of varied colours,
whereof vast numbers hang about every tree.
They are of the same kind as the serpents that
invade Egypt; and there is nothing but the
smoke of the styrax which will drive them
from the trees.

108. The Arabians say that the whole world
would swarm with these serpents, if they were
not kept in check in the way in which I know
that vipers are. Of a truth Divine Providence
does appear to be, as indeed one might expect
beforehand, a wise contriver. For timid ani-
mals which are a prey to others are all made
to produce young abundantly, that so the spe-
cies may not be entirely eaten up and lost;
while savage and noxious creatures are made
very unfruitful. The hare, for instance, which
is hunted alike by beasts, birds, and men,

103-114]

THE HISTORY

113

breeds so abundantly as even to superfetate, a
thing which is true of no other animal. You
find in a hare's belly, at one and the same time,
some of the young all covered with fur, others
quite naked, others again just fully formed in
the womb, while the hare perhaps has lately
conceived afresh. The lioness, on the other
hand, which is one of the strongest and boldest
of brutes, brings forth young but once in her
lifetime, 1 and then a single cub; she cannot pos-
sibly conceive again, since she loses her womb
at the same time that she drops her young.
The reason of this is that as soon as the cub
begins to stir inside the dam, his claws, which
are sharper than those of any other animal,
scratch the womb; as the time goes on, and he
grows bigger, he tears it ever more and more;
so that at last, when the birth comes, there is
not a morsel in the whole womb that is sound.

109. Now with respect to the vipers and the
winged snakes of Arabia, if they increased as
fast as their nature would allow, impossible
were it for man to maintain himself upon the
earth. Accordingly it is found that when the
male and female come together, at the very
moment of impregnation, the female seizes the
male by the neck, and having once fastened,
cannot be brought to leave go till she has bit
the neck entirely through. And so the male
perishes; but after a while he is revenged upon
the female by means of the young, which,
while still unborn, gnaw a passage through
the womb, and then through the belly of their
mother, and so make their entrance into the
world. Contrariwise, other snakes, which are
harmless, lay eggs, and hatch a vast number of
young. Vipers are found in all parts of the
world, but the winged serpents are nowhere
seen except in Arabia, where they are all con-
gregated together. This makes them appear so
numerous.

no. Such, then, is the way in which the
Arabians obtain their frankincense; their man-
ner of collecting the cassia is the following:
They cover all their body and their face with
the hides of oxen and other skins, leaving only
holes for the eyes, and thus protected go in
search of the cassia, which grows in a lake of
no great depth. All round the shores and in
the lake itself there dwell a number of winged
animals, much resembling bats, which screech
horribly, and are very valiant. These creatures
they must keep from their eyes all the while
that they gather the cassia.

1 The fabulous character of the whole of this ac-
count was known to Aristotle.

in. Still more wonderful is the mode in
which they collect the cinnamon. Where the
wood grows, and what country produces it,
they cannot tell only some, following proba-
bility, relate that it comes from the country in
which Bacchus was brought up. Great birds,
they say, bring the sticks which we Greeks,
taking the word from the Phoenicians, call cin-
namon, and carry them up into the air to make
their nests. These are fastened with a sort of
mud to a sheer face of rock, where no foot of
man is able to climb. So the Arabians, to get
the cinnamon, use the following artifice. They
cut all the oxen and asses and beasts of burthen
that die in their land into large pieces, which
they carry with them into those regions, and
place near the nests: then they withdraw to a
distance, and the old birds, swooping down,
seize the pieces of meat and fly with them up
to their nests; which, not being able to support
the weight, break off and fall to the ground.
Hereupon the Arabians return and collect the
cinnamon, which is afterwards carried from
Arabia into other countries.

112. Ledanum, which the Arabs call lada-
num, is procured in a yet stranger fashion.
Found in a most inodorous place, it is the
sweetest-scented of all substances. It is gathered
from the beards of he-goats, where it is found
sticking like gum, having come from the bush-
es on which they browse. It is used in many
sorts of unguents, and is what the Arabs burn
chiefly as incense.

113. Concerning the spices of Arabia let no
more be said. The whole country is scented
with them, and exhales an odour marvellously
sweet. There are also in Arabia two kinds of
sheep worthy of admiration, the like of which
is nowhere else to be seen; the one kind has
long tails, not less than three cubits in length,
which, if they were allowed to trail on the
ground, would be bruised and fall into sores.
As it is, all the shepherds know enough of car-
pentering to make little trucks for their sheep's
tails. The trucks are placed under the tails, each
sheep having one to himself, and the tails are
then tied down upon them. The other kind
has a broad tail, which is a cubit across some-
times.

114. Where the south declines towards the
setting sun lies the country called Ethiopia, the
last inhabited land in that direction. There
gold is obtained in great plenty, huge elephants
abound, with wild trees of all sorts, and ebony;
and the men are taller, handsomer, and longer
lived than anywhere else.

114

HERODOTUS

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115. Now these are the farthest regions of
the world in Asia and Libya. Of the extreme
tracts of Europe towards the west I cannot
speak with any certainty; for I do not allow
that there is any river, to which the bar-
barians give the name of Eridanus, emptying
itself into the northern sea, whence (as the tale
goes) amber is procured; nor do I know of
any islands called the Cassiterides (Tin Is-
lands), whence the tin comes which we use.
For in the first place the name Eridanus is
manifestly not a barbarian word at all, but a
Greek name, invented by some poet or other;
and secondly, though I have taken vast pains,
I have never been able to get an assurance from
an eye-witness that there is any sea on the fur-
ther side of Europe. Nevertheless, tin and am-
ber do certainly come to us from the ends of
the earth.

1 1 6. The northern parts of Europe are very
much richer in gold than any other region:
but how it is procured I have no certain knowl-
edge. The story runs that the one-eyed An-
maspi purloin it from the griffins; but here
too I am incredulous, and cannot persuade my-
self that there is a race of men born with one
eye, who in all else resemble the rest of man-
kind. Nevertheless it seems to be true that the
extreme regions of the earth, which surround
and shut up within themselves all other coun-
tries, produce the things which are the rarest,
and which men reckon the most beautiful.

117. There is a plain in Asia which is shut
in on all sides by a mountain-range, and in this
mountain-range are five openings. The plain
lies on the confines of the Chorasmians, Hyr-
canians, Parthians, Sarangians, and Thamanae-
ans, and belonged formerly to the first-men-
tioned of those peoples. Ever since the Per-
sians, however, obtained the mastery of Asia,
it has been the property of the Great King. A
mighty river, called the Aces, flows from the
hills inclosing the plain; and this stream, for-
merly splitting into five channels, ran through
the five openings in the hills, and watered the
lands of the five nations which dwell around.
The Persian came, however, and conquered
the region, and then it went ill with the peo-
ple of these lands. The Great King blocked
up all the passages between the hills with dykes
and flood-gates, and so prevented the water
from flowing out. Then the plain within the
hills became a sea, for the river kept rising, and
the water could find no outlet. From that time
the five nations which were wont formerly to
have the use of the stream, losing their accus-

tomed supply of water, have been in great dis-
tress. In winter, indeed, they have rain from
heaven like the rest of the world, but in sum-
mer, after sowing their millet and their sesame,
they always stand in need of water from the
river. When, therefore, they suffer from this
want, hastening to Persia, men and women
alike, they take their station at the gate of the
king's palace, and wail aloud. Then the king
orders the flood-gates to be opened towards the
country whose need is greatest, and lets the
soil drink until it has had enough; after which
the gates on this side are shut, and others are
unclosed for the nation which, of the remain-
der, needs it most. It has been told me that the
king never gives the order to open the gates
till the suppliants have paid him a large sum
of money over and above the tribute.

118, Of the seven Persians who rose up
against the Magus, one, Intaphernes, lost his
life very shortly after the outbreak, for an act
of insolence. He wished to enter the palace and
transact a certain business with the king. Now
the law was that all those who had taken part
in the rising against the Magus might enter
unannounced into the king's presence, unless
he happened to be in private with his wife. So
Intaphernes would not have any one announce
him, but, as he belonged to the seven, claimed
it as his right to go in. The doorkeeper, how-
ever, and the chief usher forbade his entrance,
since the king, they said, was with his wife.
But Intaphernes thought they told lies; so,
drawing his scymitar, he cut off their noses and
their ears, and, hanging them on the bridle of
his horse, put the bridle round their necks, and
so let them go.

119. Then these two men went and showed
themselves to the king, and told him how it
had come to pass that they were thus treated.
Darius trembled lest it was by the common
consent of the six that the deed had been done;
he therefore sent for them all in turn, and
sounded them to know if they approved the
conduct of Intaphernes. When he found by
their answers that there had been no concert be-
tween him and them, he laid hands on Intaph-
ernes, his children, and all his near kindred;
strongly suspecting that he and his friends
were about to raise a revolt. When all had been
seized and put in chains, as malefactors con-
demned to death, the wife of Intaphernes came
and stood continually at the palace-gates, weep-
ing and wailing sore. So Darius after a while,
seeing that she never ceased to stand and weep,
was touched with pity for her, and bade a mes-

II 5 -I2 3 ]

senger go to her and say, "Lady, king Darius
gives thee as a boon the life of one of thy kins-
men choose which thou wilt of the prison-
ers." Then she pondered awhile before she an-
swered, "If the king grants me the life of one
alone, I make choice of my brother." Darius,
when he heard the reply, was astonished, and
sent again, saying, "Lady, the king bids thee
tell him why it is that thou passest by thy hus-
band and thy children, and preferrest to have
the life of thy brother spared. He is not so near
to thee as thy children, nor so dear as thy hus-
band." She answered, "O king, if the gods will,
I may have another husband and other chil-
dren when these are gone. But as my father
and my mother are no more, it is impossible
that I should have another brother. This was
my thought when I asked to have my brother
spared." Then it seemed to Darius that the
lady spoke well, and he gave her, besides the
life that she had asked, the life also of her eld-
est son, because he was greatly pleased with
her. But he slew all the rest. Thus one of the
seven died, in the way I have described, very
shortly after the insurrection.

120. About the time of Cambyses' last sick-
ness, the following events happened. There
was a certain Oroetes, a Persian, whom Cyrus
had made governor of Sardis. This man con-
ceived a most unholy wish. He had never suf-
fered wrong or had an ill word from Polycrates
the Samian nay, he had not so much as seen
him in all his life; yet, notwithstanding, he
conceived the wish to seize him and put him
to death. This wish, according to the account
which the most part give, arose from what hap-
pened one day as he was sitting with another
Persian in the gate of the king's palace. The
man's name was Mitrobates, and he was ruler
of the satrapy of Dascyleium. He and Oroetes
had been talking together, and from talking
they fell to quarrelling and comparing their
merits; whereupon Mitrobates said to Oroetes
reproachfully, "Art thou worthy to be called a
man, when, near as Samos lies to thy govern-
ment, and easy as it is to conquer, thou hast
omitted to bring it under the dominion of the
king? Easy to conquer, said I? Why, a mere
common citizen, with the help of fifteen men-
at-arms, mastered the island, and is still king
of it." Oroetes, they say, took this reproach
greatly to heart; but, instead of seeking to re-
venge himself on the man by whom it was ut-
tered, he conceived the desire of destroying
Polycrates, since it was on Polycrates' account
that the reproach had fallen on him.

THE HISTORY

115

121. Another less common version of the
story is that Oroetes sent a herald to Samos to
make a request, the nature of which is not stat-
ed; Polycrates was at the time reclining in the
apartment of the males, and Anacreon the Te-
ian was with him; when therefore the herald
came forward to converse, Polycrates, either
out of studied contempt for the power of Oroe-
tes, or it may be merely by chance, was lying
with his face turned away towards the wall;
and so he lay all the time that the herald spake,
and when he ended, did not even vouchsafe
him a word.

122. Such are the two reasons alleged for the
death of Polycrates; it is open to all to believe
which they please. What is certain is that Oroe-
tes, while residing at Magnesia on the Maean-
der, sent a Lydian, by name Myrsus, the son
of Gyges, with a message to Polycrates at Sa-
mos, well knowing what that monarch de-
signed. For Polycrates entertained a design
which no other Greek, so far as we know, ever
formed before him, unless it were Minos the
Cnossian, and those (if there were any such)
who had the mastery of the Egaean at an earli-
er time Polycrates, I say, was the first of mere
human birth who conceived the design of
gaining the empire of the sea, and aspired to
rule over Ionia and the islands. Knowing then
that Polycrates was thus minded, Oroetes sent
his message, which ran as follows:

"Oroetes to Polycrates thus sayeth : I hear thou
raisest thy thoughts high, but thy means are
not equal to thy ambition. Listen then to my
words, and learn how thou mayest at once
serve thyself and preserve me. King Cambyses
is bent on my destruction of this I have warn-
ing from a sure hand. Come thou, therefore,
and fetch me away, me and all my wealth
share my wealth with me, and then, so far as
money can aid, thou mayest make thyself mas-
ter of the whole of Greece. But if thou doubt-
est of my wealth, send the trustiest of thy fol-
lowers, and I will show my treasures to him."

123. Polycrates, when he heard this message,
was full of joy, and straightway approved the
terms; but, as money was what he chiefly de-
sired, before stirring in the business he sent his
secretary, Maeandrius, son of Macandrius, a Sa-
mian, to look into the matter. This was the
man who, not very long afterwards, made an
offering at the temple of Juno of all the furni-
ture which had adorned the male apartments
in the palace of Polycrates, an offering well
worth seeing. Oroetes learning that one was
coming to view his treasures, contrived as fol*

116

HERODOTUS

[BOOK in

lows: he filled eight great chests almost brim-
ful of stones, and then covering over the stones
with gold, corded the chests, and so held them
in readiness. When Maeandrius arrived, he was
shown this as Orcetes' treasure, and having
seen it returned to Samos.

124. On hearing his account, Polycrates,
notwithstanding many warnings given him by
the soothsayers, and much dissuasion of his
friends, made ready to go in person. Even the
dream which visited his daughter failed to
check him. She had dreamed that she saw her
father hanging high in air, washed by Jove, and
anointed by the sun. Having therefore thus
dreamed, she used every effort to prevent her
father from going; even as he went on board
his pcnteconter crying after him with words of
evil omen. Then Polycrates threatened her
that, if he returned in safety, he would keep
her unmarried many years. She answered,
"Oh! that he might perform his threat; far
better for her to remain long unmarried than
to be bereft of her father!"

125. Polycrates, however, making light of
all the counsel offered him, set sail and went
to Orcetes. Many friends accompanied him;
among the rest, Democedes, the son of Calli-
phon, a native of Crotona, who was a physi-
cian, and the best skilled in his art of all men
then living. Polycrates, on his arrrval at Mag-
nesia, perished miserably, in a way unworthy
of his rank and of his lofty schemes. For, if we
except the Syracusans, there has never been
one of the Greek tyrants who was to be com-
pared with Polycrates for magnificence. Orce-
tes, however, slew him in a mode which is not
fit to be described, and then hung his dead
body upon a cross. His Samian followers Orce-
tes let go free, bidding them thank him that
they were allowed their liberty; the rest, who
were in part slaves, in part free foreigners, he
alike treated as his slaves by conquest. Then
was the dream of the daughter of Polycrates
fulfilled; for Polycrates, as he hung upon the
cross, and rain fell on him, was washed by Ju-
piter; and he was anointed by the sun, when
his own moisture overspread his body. And so
the vast good fortune of Polycrates came at last
to the end which Amasis the Egyptian king
had prophesied in days gone by.

126. It was not long before retribution for
the murder of Polycrates overtook Orcetes.
After the death of Cambyses, and during all the
time that the Magus sat upon the throne, Orce-
tes remained in Sardis, and brought no help
to the Persians, whom the Medes had robbed

of the sovereignty. On the contrary, amid the
troubles of this season, he slew Mitrobates, the
satrap of Dascyleium, who had cast the re-
proach upon him in the matter of Polycrates;
and he slew also Mitrobates's son, Cranaspes
both men of high repute among the Per-
sians. He was likewise guilty of many other
acts of insolence; among the rest, of the follow-
ing: there was a courier sent to him by Da-
rius whose message was not to his mind
Orcetes had him waylaid and murdered on his
road back to the king; the man and his horse
both disappeared, and no traces were left of
either.

127. Darius therefore was no sooner settled
upon the throne than he longed to take ven-
geance upon Orcetes for all his misdoings, and
especially for the murder of Mitrobates and his
son. To send an armed force openly against
him, however, he did not think advisable, as
the whole kingdom was still unsettled, and he
too was but lately come to the throne, while
Orcetes, as he understood, had a great power.
In truth a thousand Persians attended on him
as a bodyguard, and he held the satrapies of
Phrygia, Lydia, and Ionia. Darius therefore
proceeded by artifice. He called together a
meeting of all the chief of the Persians, and
thus addressed them: "Who among you, O
Persians, will undertake to accomplish me a
matter by skill without force or tumult? Force
is misplaced where the work wants skilful
management. Who, then, will undertake to
bring me Orcetes alive, or else to kill him? He
never did the Persians any good in his life, and
he has wrought us abundant injury. Two of
our number, Mitrobates and his son, he has
slain; and when messengers go to recall him,
even though they have their mandate from
me, with an insolence which is not to be en-
dured, he puts them to death. We must kill this
man, therefore, before he does the Persians any
greater hurt."

128. Thus spoke Darius; and straightway
thirty of those present came forward and of-
fered themselves for the work. As they strove
together, Darius interfered, and bade them
have recourse to the lot. Accordingly lots were
cast, and the task fell to Bagaeus, son of Ar-
tontes. Then Bagaeus caused many letters to be
written on divers matters, and sealed them all
with the king's signet; after which he took the
letters with him, and departed for Sardis. On
his arrival he was shown into the presence of
Orcetes, when he uncovered the letters one by
one, and giving them to the king's secretary

124-132]

THE HISTORY

117

every satrap has with him a king's secretary-
commanded him to read their contents. Here-
in his design was to try the fidelity of the body-
guard, and to see if they would be likely to fall
away from Orcetes. When therefore he saw
that they showed the letters all due respect, and
even more highly reverenced their contents, he
gave the secretary a paper in which was writ-
ten, "Persians, king Darius forbids you to
guard Orcetes." The soldiers at these words
laid aside their spears. So Bagaeus, finding that
they obeyed this mandate, took courage, and
gave into the secretary's hands the last letter,
wherein it was written, "King Darius com-
mands the Persians who are in Sardis to kill
Orcetes." Then the guards drew their swords
and slew him upon the spot. Thus did retribu-
tion for the murder of Polycrates the Samian
overtake Oroetes the Persian.

129. Soon after the treasures of Orcetes had
been conveyed to Sardis it happened that king
Darius, as he leaped from his horse during the
chase, sprained his foot. The sprain was one of
no common seventy, for the ankle-bone was
forced quite out of the socket. Now Darius al-
ready had at his court certain Egyptians whom
he reckoned the best-skilled physicians in all
the world; to their aid, therefore, he had re-
course; but they twisted the foot so clumsily,
and used such violence, that they only made
the mischief greater. For seven days and seven
nights the king lay without sleep, so grievous
was the pain he suffered. On the eighth day of
his indisposition, one who had heard before
leaving Sardis of the skill of Democedes the
Crotoniat, told Darius, who commanded that
he should be brought with all speed into his
presence. When, therefore, they had found him
among the slaves of Orcetes, quite uncared for
by any one, they brought him just as he was,
clanking his fetters, and all clothed in rags,
before the king.

130. As soon as he was entered into the
presence, Darius asked him if he knew medi-
cine to which he answered "No," for he
feared that if he made himself known he
would lose all chance of ever again beholding
Greece. Darius, however, perceiving that he
dealt deceitfully, and really understood the art,
bade those who had brought him to the pres-
ence go fetch the scourges and the pricking-
irons. Upon this Democedes made confession,
but at the same time said, that he had no thor-
ough knowledge of medicine he had but
lived some time with a physician, and in this
way had gained a slight smattering of the art.

However, Darius put himself under his care,
and Democedes, by using the remedies cus-
tomary among the Greeks, and exchanging the
violent treatment of the Egyptians for milder
means, first enabled him to get some sleep, and
then in a very little time restored him alto-
gether, after he had quite lost the hope of ever
having the use of his foot. Hereupon the king
presented Democedes with two sets of fetters
wrought in gold; so Democedes asked if he
meant to double his sufferings because he had
brought him back to health? Darius was
pleased at the speech, and bade the eunuchs
take Democedes to see his wives, which they
did accordingly, telling them all that this was
the man who had saved the king's life. Then
each of the wives dipped with a saucer into a
chest of gold, and gave so bountifully to Dem-
ocedes, that a slave named Sciton, who fol-
lowed him, and picked up the staters 1 which
fell from the saucers, gathered together a great
heap of gold.

131. This Democedes left his country and
became attached to Polycrates in the following
way: His father, who dwelt at Crotona, was
a man of a savage temper, and treated him
cruelly. When, therefore, he could no longer
bear such constant ill-usage, Democedes left
his home, and sailed away to Egina. There he
set up in business, and succeeded the first year
in surpassing all the best-skilled physicians of
the place, notwithstanding that he was without
instruments, and had with him none of the ap-
pliances needful for the practice of his art. In
the second year the state of Egina hired his
services at the price of a talent; in the third the
Athenians engaged him at a hundred minae;
and in the fourth Polycrates at two talents. So
he went to Samos, and there took up his abode.
It was in no small measure from his success
that the Crotoniats came to be reckoned such
good physicians; for about this period the phy-
sicians of Crotona had the name of being the
best, and those of Gyrene the second best, in all
Greece. The Argives, about the same time,
were thought to be the first musicians in
Greece.

132. After Democedes had cured Darius at
Susa, he dwelt there in a large house, and
feasted daily at the king's table, nor did he
lack anything that his heart desired, excepting
liberty to return to his country. By interceding
for them with Darius, he saved the lives of the
Egyptian physicians who had had the care of
the king before he came, when they were about

1 A stater was worth $5.72.

118

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK ni

to be impaled because they had been surpassed
by a Greek; and further, he succeeded in rescu-
ing an Elean soothsayer, who had followed the
fortunes of Polycrates, and was lying in utter
neglect among his slaves. In short there was no
one who stood so high as Democedes in the
favour of the king.

133. Moreover, within a little while it hap-
pened that Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, who
was married to Darius, had a boil form upon
her breast, which, after it burst, began to
spread and increase. Now so long as the sore
was of no great size, she hid it through shame
and made no mention of it to any one; but
when it became worse, she sent at last for
Democedes, and showed it to him. Democedes
said that he would make her well, but she must
first promise him with an oath that if he cured
her she would grant him whatever request he
might prefer; assuring her at the same time
that it should be nothing which she could
blush to hear.

134. On these terms Democedes applied his
art, and soon cured the abscess; and Atossa,
when she had heard his request, spake thus
one night to Darius:

"It seemeth to me strange, my lord, that, with
the mighty power which is thine, thou sittest
idle, and neither makest any conquest, nor ad-
vancest the power of the Persians. Methinks
that one who is so young, and so richly en-
dowed with wealth, should perform some no-
ble achievement to prove to the Persians that
it is a man who governs them. Another reason,
too, should urge thee to attempt some enter-
prise. Not only does it befit thee to show the
Persians that a man rules them, but for thy
own peace thou shouldest waste their strength
in wars lest idleness breed revolt against thy
authority. Now, too, whilst thou art still young,
thou mayest well accomplish some exploit; for
as the body grows in strength the mind too
ripens, and as the body ages, the mind's pow-
ers decay, till at last it becomes dulled to every-
thing."

So spake Atossa, as Democedes had instruct-
ed her. Darius answered: "Dear lady, thou
hast uttered the very thoughts that occupy my
brain. I am minded to construct a bridge which
shall join our continent with the other, and
so carry war into Scythia. Yet a brief space and
all will be accomplished as thou desirest."

But Atossa rejoined: "Look now, this war
with Scythia were best reserved awhile for
the Scythians may be conquered at any time.
Prithee, lead me thy host first into Greece. I

long to be served by some of those Lacedae-
monian maids of whom I have heard so much.
I want also Argive, and Athenian, and Corin-
thian women. There is now at the court a man
who can tell thee better than any one else in the
whole world whatever thou wouldst know con-
cerning Greece, and who might serve thee
right well as guide; I mean him who per-
formed the cure on thy foot."

"Dear lady," Darius answered, "since it is
thy wish that we try first the valour of the
Greeks, it were best, methinks, before march-
ing against them, to send some Persians to spy
out the land; they may go in company with
the man thou mentionest, and when they have
seen and learnt all, they can bring us back a
full report. Then, having a more perfect
knowledge of them, I will begin the war."

135. Darius, having so spoke, put no long
distance between the word and the deed, but
as soon as day broke he summoned to his pres-
ence fifteen Persians of note, and bade them
take Democedes for their guide, and explore
the sea-coasts of Greece. Above all, they were
to be sure to bring Democedes back with them,
and not suffer him to run away and escape.
After he had given these orders, Darius sent
for Democedes, and besought him to serve as
guide to the Persians, and when he had shown
them the whole of Greece to come back to
Persia. He should take, he said, all the valu-
ables he possessed as presents to his father and
his brothers, and he should receive on his re-
turn a far more abundant store. Moreover, the
king added, he would give him, as his contri-
bution towards the presents, a merchantship
laden with all manner of precious things,
which should accompany him on his voyage.
Now I do not believe that Darius, when he
made these promises, had any guile in his
heart: Democedes, however, who suspected
that the king spoke to try him, took care not to
snatch at the offers with any haste; but said,
"he would leave his own goods behind to en-
joy upon his return the merchant-ship which
the king proposed to grant him to carry gifts
to his brothers, that he would accept at the
king's hands." So when Darius had laid his
orders upon Democedes, he sent him and the
Persians away to the coast.

136. The men went down to Phoenicia, to
Sidon, the Phoenician town, where straightway
they fitted out two triremes and a trading-ves-
sel, which they loaded with all manner of pre-
cious merchandise; and, everything being now
ready, they set sail for Greece. When they had

133-140]

made the land, they kept along the shore and
examined it, taking notes of all that they saw;
and in this way they explored the greater por-
tion of the country, and all the most famous
regions, until at last they reached Tarentum in
Italy. There Aristophilides, king of the Taren-
tines, out of kindness to Democedes, took the
rudders off the Median ships, and detained
their crews as spies. Meanwhile Democedes es-
caped to Crotona, his native city, whereupon
Aristophilides released the Persians from pris-
on, and gave their rudders back to them.

137. The Persians now quitted Tarentum,
and sailed to Crotona in pursuit of Democedes;
they found him in the market-place, where
they straightway laid violent hands on him.
Some of the Crotoniats, who greatly feared the
power of the Persians, were willing to give
him up; but others resisted, held Democedes
fast, and even struck the Persians with their
walking-sticks. They, on their part, kept cry-
ing out, "Men of Crotona, beware what you
do. It is the king's runaway slave that you are
rescuing. Think you Darius will tamely sub-
mit to such an insult? Think you, that if you
carry off the man from us, it will hereafter go
well with you? Will you not rather be the first
persons on whom we shall make war? Will
not your city be the first we shall seek to lead
away captive?" Thus they spake, but the Cro-
toniats did not heed them; they rescued Demo-
cedes, and seized also the trading-ship which
the Persians had brought with them from
Phoenicia. Thus robbed, and bereft of their
guide, the Persians gave up all hope of explor-
ing the rest of Greece, and set sail for Asia. As
they were departing, Democedes sent to them
and begged they would inform Darius that the
daughter of Milo was affianced to him as his
bride. For the name of Milo the wrestler was
in high repute with the king. My belief is, that
Democedes hastened his marriage by the pay-
ment of a large sum of money for the purpose
of showing Darius that he was a man of mark
in his own country.

138. The Persians weighed anchor and left
Crotona, but, being wrecked on the coast of
lapygia, were made slaves by the inhabitants.
From this condition they were rescued by Gil-
lus, a banished Tarentine, who ransomed them
at his own cost, and took them back to Darius.
Darius offered to repay this service by granting
Gillus whatever boon he chose to ask; where-
upon Gillus told the king of his misfortune,
and begged to be restored to his country. Fear-
ing, however, that he might bring trouble on

THE HISTORY 119

Greece if a vast armament were sent to Italy
on his account, he added that it would content
him if the Cnidians undertook to obtain his
recall. Now the Cnidians were close friends of
the Tarentines, which made him think there
was no likelier means of procuring his return.
Darius promised and performed his part; for
he sent a messenger to Cnidus, and command-
ed the Cnidians to restore Gillus. The Cnidi-
ans did as he wished, but found themselves
unable to persuade the Tarentines, and were
too weak to attempt force. Such then was the
course which this matter took. These were the
first Persians who ever came from Asia to
Greece; and they were sent to spy out the land
for the reason which I have before mentioned.

139. After this, king Darius besieged and
took Samos, which was the first city, Greek or
Barbarian, that he conquered. The cause of his
making war upon Samos was the following:
at the time when Cambyses, son of Cyrus,
marched against Egypt, vast numbers of
Greeks flocked thither; some, as might have
been looked for, to push their trade; others, to
serve in his army; others again, merely to see
the land: among these last was Syloson, son
of ^Eaces, and brother of Polycrates, at that
time an exile from Samos. This Syloson, dur-
ing his stay in Egypt, met with a singular piece
of good fortune. He happened one day to put
on a scarlet cloak, and thus attired to go into
the market-place at Memphis, when Darius,
who was one of Cambyses' bodyguard, and not
at that time a man of any account, saw him,
and taking a strong liking to the dress, went up
and offered to purchase it. Syloson perceived
how anxious he was, and by a lucky inspira-
tion answered: "There is no price at which I
would sell my cloak; but I will give it thee for
nothing, if it must needs be thine." Darius
thanked him, and accepted the garment.

140. Poor Syloson felt at the time that he
had fooled away his cloak in a very simple
manner; but afterwards, when in the course
of years Cambyses died, and the seven Persians
rose in revolt against the Magus, and Darius
was the man chosen out of the seven to have
the kingdom, Syloson learnt that the person to
whom the crown had come was the very man
who had coveted his cloak in Egypt, and to
whom he had freely given it. So he made his
way to Susa, and seating himself at the portal
of the royal palace, gave out that he was a ben-
efactor of the king. Then the doorkeeper went
and told Darius. Amazed at what he heard, the
king said thus within himself: "What Greek

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can have been my benefactor, or to which of
them do I owe anything, so lately as I have got
the kingdom? Scarcely a man of them all has
been here, not more than one or two certainly,
since I came to the throne. Nor do I remember
that I am in the debt of any Greek. However,
bring him in, and let me hear what he means
by his boast." So the doorkeeper ushered Sylo-
son into the presence, and the interpreters
asked him who he was, and what he had done
that he should call himself a benefactor of the
king. Then Syloson told the whole story of the
cloak, and said that it was he who had made
Darius the present. Hereupon Darius ex-
claimed, "Oh! thou most generous of men, art
thou indeed he who, when I had no power at
all, gavest me something, albeit little? Truly
the favour is as great as a very grand present
would be nowadays. I will therefore give thee
in return gold and silver without stint, that
thou mayest never repent of having rendered a
service to Darius, son of Hystaspes." "Give me
not, O king," replied Syloson, "either silver or
gold, but recover me Samos, my native land,
and let that be thy gift to me. It belongs now
to a slave of ours, who, when Oroetes put my
brother Polycrates to death, became its master.
Give me Samos, I beg; but give it unharmed,
with no bloodshed no leading into captivity."

141. When he heard this, Darius sent off an
army, under Otanes, one of the seven, with
orders to accomplish all that Syloson had de-
sired. And Otanes went down to the coast and
made ready to cross over.

142. The government of Samos was held at
this time by Maeandrius, son of Maeandrius,
whom Polycrates had appointed as his deputy.
This person conceived the wish to act like the
justest of men, but it was not allowed him to
do so. On receiving tidings of the death of
Polycrates, he forthwith raised an altar to Jove
the Protector of Freedom, and assigned it the
piece of ground which may still be seen in the
suburb. This done, he assembled all the citi-
zens, and spoke to them as follows:

"Ye know, friends, that the sceptre of Poly-
crates, and all his power, has passed into my
hands, and if I choose I may rule over you. But
what I condemn in another I will, if I may,
avoid myself. I never approved the ambition of
Polycrates to lord it over men as good as him-
self, nor looked with favour on any of those
who have done the like. Now therefore, since
he has fulfilled his destiny, I lay down my
office, and proclaim equal rights. All that I
claim in return is six talents from the treasures

of Polycrates, and the priesthood of Jove the
Protector of Freedom, for myself and my de-
scendants for ever. Allow me this, as the man
by whom his temple has been built, and by
whom ye yourselves are now restored to lib-
erty." As soon as Mseandrius had ended, one of
the Samians rose up and said, "As if thou wert
fit to rule us, base-born and rascal as thou art!
Think rather of accounting for the monies
which thou hast fingered."

143. The man who thus spoke was a certain
Telesarchus, one of the leading citizens. Mae-
andrius, therefore, feeling sure that if he laid
down the sovereign power some one else
would become tyrant in his room, gave up the
thought of relinquishing it. Withdrawing to
the citadel, he sent for the chief men one by
one, under pretence of showing them his ac-
counts, and as fast as they came arrested them
and put them in irons. So these men were
bound; and Maeandrius within a short time
fell sick: whereupon Lycaretus, one of his
brothers, thinking that he was going to die,
and wishing to make his own accession to the
throne the easier, slew all the prisoners. It
seemed that the Samians did not choose to be
a free people.

144. When the Persians whose business it
was to restore Syloson reached Samos, not a
man was found to lift up his hand against
them. Maeandrius and his partisans expressed
themselves willing to quit the island upon cer-
tain terms, and these terms were agreed to by
Otanes. After the treaty was made, the most
distinguished of the Persians had their thrones
brought, and seated themselves over against
the citadel.

145. Now the king Maeandrius had a light-
headed brother Charilaiis by name whom
for some offence or other he had shut up in
prison: this man heard what was going on, and
peering through his bars, saw the Persians
sitting peacefully upon their seats, whereupon
he exclaimed aloud, and said he must speak
with Masandrius. When this was reported to
him, Maeandrius gave orders that Charilaiis
should be released from prison and brought
into his presence. No sooner did he arrive than
he began reviling and abusing his brother, and
strove to persuade him to attack the Persians.
"Thou meanest-spirited of men," he said,
"thou canst keep me, thy brother, chained in a
dungeon, notwithstanding that I have done
nothing worthy of bonds; but when the Per-
sians come and drive thee forth a houseless
wanderer from thy native land, thou lookest

141-152]

THE HISTORY

121

on, and hast not the heart to seek revenge,
though they might so easily be subdued. If
thou, however, art afraid, lend me thy soldiers,
and I will make them pay dearly for their com-
ing here. I engage too to send thee first safe
out of the island."

146. So spake Charilaiis, and Maeandrius
gave consent; not (I believe) that he was so
void of sense as to imagine that his own forces
could overcome those of the king, but because
he was jealous of Syloson, and did not wish
him to get so quietly an unharmed city. He
desired therefore to rouse the anger of the Per-
sians against Samos, that so he might deliver it
up to Syloson with its power at the lowest pos-
sible ebb; for he knew well that if the Persians
met with a disaster they would be furious
against the Samians, while he himself felt
secure of a retreat at any time that he liked,
since he had a secret passage under ground
leading from the citadel to the sea. Maeandrius
accordingly took ship and sailed away from
Samos; and Charilaiis, having armed all the
mercenaries, threw open the gates, and fell
upon the Persians, who looked for nothing
less, since they supposed that the whole matter
had been arranged by treaty. At the first on-
slaught therefore all the Persians of most note,
men who were in the habit of using litters,
were slain by the mercenaries; the rest of the
army, however, came to the rescue, defeated
the mercenaries, and drove them back into the
citadel.

147. Then Otanes, the general, when he saw
the great calamity which had befallen the Per-
sians, made up his mind to forget the orders
which Darius had given him, "not to kill or
enslave a single Samian, but to deliver up the
island unharmed to Syloson,'* and gave the
word to his army that they should slay the Sa-
mians, both men and boys, wherever they
could find them. Upon this some of his troops
laid siege to the citadel, while others began the
massacre, killing all they met, some outside,
some inside the temples.

148. Maeandrius fled from Samos to Lacedae-
mon, and conveyed thither all the riches which
he had brought away from the island, after
which he acted as follows. Having placed upon
his board all the gold and silver vessels that he
had, and bade his servants employ themselves
in cleaning them, he himself went and entered
into conversation with Cleomenes, son of Ana-
xandridas, king of Sparta, and as they talked
brought him along to his house. There Cleo-
menes, seeing the plate, was filled with wonder

and astonishment; whereon the other begged
that he would carry home with him any of the
vessels that he liked. Maeandrius said this two
or three times; but Cleomenes here displayed
surpassing honesty. He refused the gift, and
thinking that if Maeandrius made the same
offers to others he would get the aid he sought,
the Spartan king went straight to the ephors
and told them "it would be best for Sparta
that the Samian stranger should be sent away
from the Peloponnese; for otherwise he might
perchance persuade himself or some other
Spartan to be base." The ephors took his ad-
vice, and let Maeandrius know by a herald that
he must leave the city.

149. Meanwhile the Persians netted Samos,
and delivered it up to Syloson, stripped of all
its men. After some time, however, this same
general Otanes was induced to repeople it by
a dream which he had, and a loathsome disease
that seized on him.

150. After the armament of Otanes had set
sail for Samos, the Babylonians revolted, hav-
ing made every preparation for defence. Dur-
ing all the time that the Magus was king, and
while the seven were conspiring, they had
profited by the troubles, and had made them-
selves ready against a siege. And it happened
somehow or other that no one perceived what
they were doing. At last when the time came
for rebelling openly, they did as follows:
having first set apart their mothers, each man
chose besides out of his whole household one
woman, whomsoever he pleased; these alone
were allowed to live, while all the rest were
brought to one place and strangled. The wom-
en chosen were kept to make bread for the
men; while the others were strangled that they
might not consume the stores.

151. When tidings reached Darius of what
had happened, he drew together all his power,
and began the war by marching straight upon
Babylon, and laying siege to the place. The
Babylonians, however, cared not a whit for his
siege. Mounting upon the battlements that
crowned their walls, they insulted and jeered at
Darius and his mighty host. One even shouted
to them and said, "Why sit ye there, Persians?
why do ye not go back to your homes? Till
mules foal ye will not take our city." This was
said by a Babylonian who thought that a mule
would never foal.

152. Now when a year and seven months
had passed, Darius and his army were quite
wearied out, finding that they could not any-
how take the city. All stratagems and all arts

122

HERODOTUS

[BOOK in

had been used, and yet the king could not pre-
vail no t even when he tried the means by
which Cyrus made himself master of the place.
The Babylonians were ever upon the watch,
and he found no way of conquering them.

153. At last, in the twentieth month, a mar-
vellous thing happened to Zopyrus, son of the
Megabyzus who was among the seven men
that overthrew the Magus. One of his sumpter-
mules gave birth to a foal. Zopyrus, when they
told him, not thinking that it could be true,
went and saw the colt with his own eyes; after
which he commanded his servants to tell no
one what had come to pass, while he himself
pondered the matter. Calling to mind then the
words of the Babylonian at the beginning of
the siege, "Till mules foal ye shall not take our
city" he thought, as he reflected on this
speech, that Babylon might now be taken. For
it seemed to him that there was a Divine Prov-
idence in the man having used the phrase, and
then his mule having foaled.

154. As soon therefore as he felt within him-
self that Babylon was fated to be taken, he
went to Darius and asked him if he set a very
high value on its conquest. When he found
that Darius did indeed value it highly, he con-
sidered further with himself how he might
make the deed his own, and be the man to take
Babylon. Noble exploits in Persia are ever
highly honoured and bring their authors to
greatness. He therefore reviewed all ways of
bringing the city under, but found none by
which he could hope to prevail, unless he
maimed himself and then went over to the
enemy. To do this seeming to him a light mat-
ter, he mutilated himself in a way that was
utterly without remedy. For he cut oft his own
nose and ears, and then, clipping his hair close
and flogging himself with a scourge, he came
in this plight before Darius.

155. Wrath stirred within the king at the
sight of a man of his lofty rank in such a con-
3hion; leaping down from his throne, he ex-
claimed aloud, and asked Zopyrus who it was
that had disfigured him, and what he had done
to be so treated. Zopyrus answered, "There is
not a man in the world, but thou, O king, that
could reduce me to such a plight no strang-
er's hands have wrought this work on me, but
my own only. I maimed myself because I could
not endure that the Assyrians should laugh at
the Persians." "Wretched man," said Darius,
"thou coverest the foulest deed with the fairest
possible name, when thou sayest thy maiming
is to help our siege forward. How will thy dis-

figurement, thou simpleton, induce the enemy
to yield one day the sooner? Surely thou hadst
gone out of thy mind when thou didst so mis-
use thyself." "Had I told thee," rejoined the
other, "what I was bent on doing, thou would-
est not have suffered it; as it is, I kept my own
counsel, and so accomplished my plans. Now,
therefore, if there be no failure on thy part, we
shall take Babylon. I will desert to the enemy
as I am, and when I get into their city I will
tell them that it is by thee I have been thus
treated. I think they will believe my words,
and entrust me with a command of troops.
Thou, on thy part, must wait till the tenth day
after I am entered within the town, and then
place near to the gates of Semiramis a detach-
ment of thy army, troops for whose loss thou
wilt care little, a thousand men. Wait, after
that, seven days, and post me another detach-
ment, two thousand strong, at the Nineveh
gates; then let twenty days pass, and at the end
of that time station near the Chaldaean gates
a body of four thousand. Let neither these nor
the former troops be armed with any weapons
but their swords those thou mayest leave
them. After the twenty days are over, bid thy
whole army attack the city on every side, and
put me two bodies of Persians, one at the Be-
lian, the other at the Cissian gates; for I expect,
that, on account of my successes, the Baby-
lonians will entrust everything, even the keys
of their gates, to me. Then it will be for me
and my Persians to do the rest."

156. Having left these instructions, Zopyrus
fled towards the gates of the town, often look-
ing back, to give himself the air of a deserter.
The men upon the towers, whose business it
was to keep a lookout, observing him, has-
tened down, and setting one of the gates slight-
ly ajar, questioned him who he was, and on
what errand he had come. He replied that he
was Zopyrus, and had deserted to them from
the Persians. Then the doorkeepers, when they
heard this, carried him at once before the Mag-
istrates. Introduced into the assembly, he be-
gan to bewail his misfortunes, telling them
that Darius had maltreated him in the way
they could see, only because he had given ad-
vice that the siege should be raised, since there
seemed no hope of taking the city. "And now,"
he went on to say, "my coming to you, Baby-
lonians, will prove the greatest gain that you
could possibly receive, while to Darius and the
Persians it will be the severest loss. Verily he
by whom I have been so mutilated shall not
escape unpunished. And truly all the paths of

153-160]

THE HISTORY

123

his counsels are known to me." Thus did Zopy-
rus speak.

157. The Babylonians, seeing a Persian of
such exalted rank in so grievous a plight, his
nose and ears cut off, his body red with marks
of scourging and with blood, had no suspicion
but that he spoke the truth, and was really
come to be their friend and helper. They were
ready, therefore, to grant him anything that he
asked; and on his suing for a command, they
entrusted to him a body of troops, with the help
of which he proceeded to do as he had ar-
ranged with Darius. On the tenth day after his
flight he led out his detachment, and surround-
ing the thousand men, whom Darius accord-
ing to agreement had sent first, he fell upon
them and slew them all. Then the Babylonians,
seeing that his deeds were as brave as his
words, were beyond measure pleased, and set
no bounds to their trust. He waited, however,
and when the next period agreed on had
elapsed, again with a band of picked men he
sallied forth, and slaughtered the two thou-
sand. After this second exploit, his praise was
in all mouths. Once more, however, he waited
till the interval appointed had gone by, and
then leading the troops to the place where the
four thousand were, he put them also to the
sword. This last victory gave the finishing
stroke to his power, and made him all in all
with the Babylonians: accordingly they com-
mitted to him the command of their whole
army, and put the keys of their city into his
hands.

158. Darius now, still keeping to the plan
agreed upon, attacked the walls on every side,
whereupon Zopyrus played out the remainder
of his stratagem. While the Babylonians,
crowding to the walls, did their best to resist
the Persian assault, he threw open the Cissian
and the Belian gates, and admitted the enemy.

Such of the Babylonians as witnessed the
treachery, took refuge in the temple of Jupiter
Belus; the rest, who did not see it, kept at their
posts, till at last they too learnt that they were
betrayed.

159. Thus was Babylon taken for the sec-
ond time. Darius having become master of the
place, destroyed the wall, and tore down all the
gates; for Cyrus had done neither the one nor
the other when he took Babylon. He then chose
out near three thousand of the leading citizens,
and caused them to be crucified, while he al-
lowed the remainder still to inhabit the city.
Further, wishing to prevent the race of the
Babylonians from becoming extinct, he provid-
ed wives for them in the room of those whom
(as I explained before) they strangled, to save
their stores. These he levied from the nations
bordering on Babylonia, who were each re-
quired to send so large a number to Babylon,
that in all there were collected no fewer than
fifty thousand. It is from these women that the
Babylonians of our times are sprung.

1 60. As for Zopyrus, he was considered by
Darius to have surpassed, in the greatness of
his achievements, all other Persians, whether of
former or of later times, except only Cyrus
with whom no Persian ever yet thought him-
self worthy to compare. Darius, as the story
goes, would often say that "he had rather Zopy-
rus were unmaimed, than be master of twen-
ty more Babylons." And he honoured Zopyrus
greatly; year by year he presented him with all
the gifts which are held in most esteem among
the Persians; he gave him likewise the govern-
ment of Babylon for his life, free from tribute;
and he also granted him many other favours.
Megabyzus, who held the command in Egypt
against the Athenians and their allies, was a son
of this Zopyrus. And Zopyrus, who fled from
Persia to Athens, was a son of this Megabyzus.

The Fourth Book, Entitled
MELPOMENE

i. After the taking of Babylon, an expedition
was led by Darius into Scythia. Asia abound-
ing in men, and vast sums flowing into the
treasury, the desire seized him to exact ven-
geance from the Scyths, who had once in days
gone by invaded Media, defeated those who
met them in the field, and so begun the quarrel.
During the space of eight-and-twenty years, as
I have before mentioned, the Scyths continued
lords of the whole of Upper Asia. They en-
tered Asia in pursuit of the Cimmerians, and
overthrew the empire of the Medes, who till
they came possessed the sovereignty. On their
return to their homes after the long absence of
twenty-eight years, a task awaited them little
less troublesome than their struggle with the
Medes. They found an army of no small size
prepared to oppose their entrance. For the
Scythian women, when they saw that time
went on, and their husbands did not come
back, had intermarried with their slaves.

2. Now the Scythians blind all their slaves,
to use them in preparing their milk. The plan
they follow is to thrust tubes made of bone, not
unlike our musical pipes, up the vulva of the
mare, and then to blow into the tubes with
their mouths, some milking while the others
blow. They say that they do this because when
the veins of the animal are full of air, the udder
is forced down. The milk thus obtained is
poured into deep wooden casks, about which
the blind slaves are placed, and then the milk
is stirred round. That which rises to the top is
drawn off, and considered the best part; the
under portion is of less account. Such is the rea-
son why the Scythians blind all those whom
they take in war; it arises from their not being
tillers of the ground, but a pastoral race.

3. When therefore the children sprung from
fhese slaves and the Scythian women grew to
manhood, and understood the circumstances of
their birth, they resolved to oppose the army

124

which was returning from Media. And, first of
all, they cut off a tract of country from the rest
of Scythia by digging a broad dyke from the
Tauric mountains to the vast lake of the Maeo-
tis. Afterwards, when the Scythians tried to
force an entrance, they marched out and en-
gaged them. Many battles were fought, and
the Scythians gained no advantage, until at last
one of them thus addressed the remainder:
"What are we doing, Scythians? We are fight-
ing our slaves, diminishing our own number
when we fall, and the number of those that be-
long to us when they fall by our hands. Take
my advice lay spear and bow aside, and let
each man fetch his horsewhip, and go boldly
up to them. So long as they see us with arms
in our hands, they imagine themselves our
equals in birth and bravery; but let them be-
hold us with no other weapon but the whip,
and they will feel that they are our slaves, and
flee before us."

4. The Scythians followed this counsel, and
the slaves were so astounded, that they forgot
to fight, and immediately ran away. Such was
the mode in which the Scythians, after being
for a time the lords of Asia, and being forced
to quit it by the Medes, returned and settled in
their own country. This inroad of theirs it was
that Darius was anxious to avenge, and such
was the purpose for which he was now col-
lecting an army to invade them.

5. According to the account which the
Scythians themselves give, they are the young-
est of all nations. Their tradition is as follows.
A certain Targitaiis was the first man who ever
lived in their country, which before his time
was a desert without inhabitants. He was a
child I do not believe the tale, but it is told
nevertheless of Jove and a daughter of the
Borysthenes. Targitaiis, thus descended, begat
three sons, Leipoxais, Arpoxais, and Colaxais,
who was the youngest born of the three. While

THE HISTORY

125

they still ruled the land, there fell from the
sky four implements, all of gold a plough, a
yoke, a battle-axe, and a drinking-cup. The
eldest of the brothers perceived them first, and
approached to pick them up; when lo! as he
came near, the gold took fire, and blazed. He
therefore went his way, and the second com-
ing forward made the attempt, but the same
thing happened again. The gold rejected both
the eldest and the second brother. Last of all
the youngest brother approached, and immedi-
ately the flames were extinguished; so he
picked up the gold, and carried it to his home.
Then the two elder agreed together, and made
the whole kingdom over to the youngest born.

6. From Leipoxais sprang the Scythians of
the race called Auchatar, from Arpoxais, the
middle brother, those known as the Catiari
and Traspians; from Colaxais, the youngest,
the Royal Scythians, or Paralatae. All together
they are named Scoloti, after one of their
kings: the Greeks, however, call them Scythi-
ans.

7. Such is the account which the Scythians
give of their origin. They add that from the
time of Targitaiis, their first king, to the inva-
sion of their country by Darius, is a period of
one thousand years, neither less nor more. The
Royal Scythians guard the sacred gold with
most especial care, and year by year offer great
sacrifices in its honour. At this feast, if the man
who has the custody of the gold should fall
asleep in the open air, he is sure (the Scythians
say) not to outlive the year. His pay therefore
is as much land as he can ride round on horse-
back in a day. As the extent of Scythia is very
great, Colaxais gave each of his three sons a
separate kingdom, one of which was of ampler
size than the other two: in this the gold was
preserved. Above, to the northward of the far-
thest dwellers in Scythia, the country is said to
be concealed from sight and made impassable
by reason of the feathers which are shed abroad
abundantly. The earth and air are alike full of
them, and this it is which prevents the eye
from obtaining any view of the region.

8. Such is the account which the Scythians
give of themselves, and of the country which
lies above them. The Greeks who dwell about
the Pontus tell a different story. According to
them, Hercules, when he was carrying of? the
cows of Geryon, arrived in the region which is
now inhabited by the Scyths, but which was
then a desert. Geryon lived outside the Pontus,
in an island called by the Greeks Erytheia,
near Gadcs, which is beyond the Pillars of Her-

cules upon the Ocean. Now some say that the
Ocean begins in the east, and runs the whole
way round the world; but they give no proof
that this is really so. Hercules came from
thence into the region now called Scythia, and,
being overtaken by storm and frost, drew his
lion's skin about him, and fell fast asleep.
While he slept, his mares, which he had loosed
from his chariot to graze, by some wonderful
chance disappeared.

9. On waking, he went in quest of them,
and, after wandering over the whole country,
came at last to the district called "the Wood-
land," where he found in a cave a strange be-
ing, between a maiden and a serpent, whose
form from the waist upwards was like that of
a woman, while all below was like a snake. He
looked at her wonderingly; but nevertheless
inquired, whether she had chanced to see his
strayed mares anywhere. She answered him,
"Yes, and they were now in her keeping; but
never would she consent to give them back, un-
less he took her for his mistress." So Hercules,
to get his mares back, agreed; but afterwards
she put him ofT and delayed restoring the
mares, since she wished to keep him with her
as long as possible. He, on the other hand, was
only anxious to secure them and to get away.
At last, when she gave them up, she said to
him, "When thy mares strayed hither, it was
I who saved them [or thee: now thou hast paid
their salvage; for lo! I bear in my womb three
sons of thine. Tell me therefore when thy sons
grow up, what must I do with them? Wouldst
thou wish that I should settle them here in this
land, whereof I am mistress, or shall I send
them to thee?" Thus questioned, they say,
Hercules answered, "When the lads have
grown to manhood, do thus, and assuredly
thou wilt not err. Watch them, and when thou
seest one of them bend this bow as I now bend
it, and gird himself with this girdle thus,
choose him to remain in the land. Those who
fail in the trial, send away. Thus wilt thou at
once please thyself and obey me."

10. Hereupon he strung one of his bows
up to that time he had carried two and
showed her how to fasten the belt. Then he
gave both bow and belt into her hands. Now
the belt had a golden goblet attached to its
clasp. So after he had given them to her, he
went his way; and the woman, when her chil-
dren grew to manhood, first gave them sever-
ally their names. One she called Agathyrsus,
one Gelonus, and the other, who was the
youngest, Scythes. Then she remembered the

126

HERODOTUS

instructions she had received from Hercules,
and, in obedience to his orders, she put her
sons to the test. Two of them, Agathyrsus and
Gelonus, proving unequal to the task enjoined,
their mother sent them out of the land; Scyth-
es, the youngest, succeeded, and so he was al-
lowed to remain. From Scythes, the son of Her-
cules, were descended the after kings of Scyth-
ia; and from the circumstance of the goblet
which hung from the belt, the Scythians to
this day wear goblets at their girdles. This was
the only thing which the mother of Scythes did
for him. Such is the tale told by the Greeks
who dwell around the Pontus.

11. There is also another different story,
now to be related, in which I am more inclined
to put faith than in any other. It is that the
wandering Scythians once dwelt in Asia, and
there warred with the Massagetae, but with ill
success; they therefore quitted their homes,
crossed the Araxes, and entered the land of
Cimmena. For the land which is now inhabit-
ed by the Scyths was formerly the country of
the Cimmerians. On their coming, the natives,
who heard how numerous the invading army
was, held a council. At this meeting opinion
was divided, and both parties stiffly main-
tained their own view; but the counsel of the
Royal tribe was the braver. For the others
urged that the best thing to be done was to
leave the country, and avoid a contest with so
vast a host; but the Royal tribe advised remain-
ing and fighting for the soil to the last. As
neither party chose to give way, the one de-
termined to retire without a blow and yield
their lands to the invaders; but the other, re-
membering the good things which they had
enjoyed in their homes, and picturing to them-
selves the evils which they had to expect if
they gave them up, resolved not to flee, but
rather to die and at least be buried in their
fatherland. Having thus decided, they drew
apart in two bodies, the one as numerous as the
other, and fought together. All of the Royal
tribe were slain, and the people buried them
near the river Tyras, where their grave is still
to be seen. Then the rest of the Cimmerians de-
parted, and the Scythians, on their coming,
took possession of a deserted land.

12. Scythia still retains traces of the Cim-
merians; there are Cimmerian castles, and a
Cimmerian ferry, also a tract called Cimmeria,
and a Cimmerian Bosphorus. It appears like-
wise that the Cimmerians, when they fled into
Asia to escape the Scyths, made a settlement
in the peninsula where the Greek city of Si-

[ BOOK iv

nope was afterwards built. The Scyths, it is
plain, pursued them, and missing their road,
poured into Media. For the Cimmerians kept
the line which led along the sea-shore, but the
Scyths in their pursuit held the Caucasus upon
their right, thus proceeding inland, and falling
upon Media. This account is one which is com-
mon both to Greeks and barbarians.

13. Aristeas also, son of Caystrobius, a na-
tive of Proconnesus, says in the course of his
poem that wrapt in Bacchic fury he went as far
as the Issedones. Above them dwelt the Ari-
maspi, men with one eye; still further, the
gold-guarding griffins; and beyond these, the
Hyperboreans, who extended to the sea. Ex-
cept the Hyperboreans, all these nations, be-
ginning with the Arimaspi, were continually
encroaching upon their neighbours. Hence it
came to pass that the Arimaspi drove the Issedo-
nians from their country, while the Issedonians
dispossessed the Scyths; and the Scyths, pressing
upon the Cimmerians, who dwelt on the shores
of the Southern Sea, forced them to leave their
land. Thus even Aristeas does not agree in his
account of this region with the Scythians,

14. The birthplace of Aristeas, the poet who
sung of these things, I have already mentioned.
I will now relate a tale which I heard concern-
ing him both at Proconnesus and at Cyzicus.
Aristeas, they said, who belonged to one of the
noblest families in the island, had entered one
day into a fuller's shop, when he suddenly
dropt down dead. Hereupon the fuller shut up
his shop, and went to tell Aristeas' kindred
what had happened. The report of the death
had just spread through the town, when a cer-
tain Cyzicenian, lately arrived from Artaca,
contradicted the rumour, affirming that he had
met Aristeas on his road to Cyzicus, and had
spoken with him. This man, therefore, strenu-
ously denied the rumour; the relations, how-
ever, proceeded to the fuller's shop with all
things necessary for the funeral, intending to
carry the body away. But on the shop being
opened, no Aristeas was found, either dead or
alive. Seven years afterwards he reappeared,
they told me, in Proconnesus, and wrote the
poem called by the Greeks The Arimaspeia,
after which he disappeared a second time.
This is the tale current in the two cities above-
mentioned.

15. What follows I know to have happened
to the Metapontines of Italy, three hundred
and forty years 1 after the second disappear-

1 This date must certainly be wrong. The date
usually assigned to Aristeas is about 580 B.C.

11-22]

THE HISTORY

127

ance of Aristeas, as I collect by comparing the
accounts given me at Proconnesus and Meta-
pontum. Aristeas then, as the Metapontines
affirm, appeared to them in their own country,
and ordered them to set up an altar in honour
of Apollo, and to place near it a statue to be
called that of Aristeas the Proconnesian. "Apol-
lo," he told them, "had come to their coun-
try once, though he had visited no other Itali-
ots; and he had been with Apollo at the time,
not however in his present form, but in the
shape of a crow." Having said so much, he
vanished. Then the Metapontines, as they re-
late, sent to Delphi, and inquired of the god
in what light they were to regard the appear-
ance of this ghost of a man. The Pythoness, in
reply, bade them attend to what the spectre
said, "for so it would go best with them." Thus
advised, they did as they had been directed:
and there is now a statue bearing the name of
Aristeas, close by the image of Apollo in the
market-place of Metapontum, with bay-trees
standing around it. But enough has been said
concerning Aristeas.

1 6. With regard to the regions which lie
above the country whereof this portion of my
history treats, there is no one who possesses any
exact knowledge. Not a single person can I
find who professes to be acquainted with them
by actual observation. Even Aristeas, the trav-
eller of whom I lately spoke, does not claim
and he is writing poetry to have reached any
farther than the Issedonians. What he relates
concerning the regions beyond is, he confesses,
mere hearsay, being the account which the Is-
sedonians gave him of those countries. How-
ever, I shall proceed to mention all that I have
learnt of these parts by the most exact inquiries
which I have been able to make concerning
them.

17. Above the mart of the Borysthenites,
which is situated in the very centre of the
whole sea-coast of Scythia, the first people who
inhabit the land are the Callipedae, a Graeco-
Scythic race. Next to them, as you go inland,
dwell the people called the Alazonians. These
two nations in other respects resemble the
Scythians in their usages, but sow and eat corn,
also onions, garlic, lentils, and millet. Beyond
the Alazonians reside Scythian cultivators,
who grow corn, not for their own use, but for
sale. Still higher up are the Neuri. Northwards
of the Neuri the continent, as far as it is known
to us, is uninhabited. These are the nations
along the course of the river Hypanis, west of
the Borysthenes.

1 8. Across the Borysthenes, the first country
after you leave the coast is Hylaea (the Wood-
land). Above this dwell the Scythian Husband-
men, whom the Greeks living near the Hy-
panis call Borysthenites, while they call them-
selves Olbiopolites. These Husbandmen extend
eastward a distance of three days' journey to a
river bearing the name of Panticapes, while
northward the country is theirs for eleven days*
sail up the course of the Borysthenes. Further
inland there is a vast tract which is uninhabit-
ed. Above this desolate region dwell the Can-
nibals, who are a people apart, much unlike the
Scythians. Above them the country becomes an
utter desert; not a single tribe, so far as we
know, inhabits it.

19. Crossing the Panticapes, and proceeding
eastward of the Husbandmen, we come upon
the wandering Scythians, who neither plough
nor sow. Their country, and the whole of this
region, except Hylaea, is quite bare of trees.
They extend towards the east a distance of
fourteen 1 days' journey, occupying a tract
which reaches to the river Gerrhus.

20. On the opposite side of the Gerrhus is
the Royal district, as it is called: here dwells the
largest and bravest of the Scythian tribes,
which looks upon all the other tribes in the
light of slaves. Its country reaches on the south
to Taurica, on the east to the trench dug by the
sons of the blind slaves, the mart upon the
Palus Maeotis, called Cremni (the Cliffs), and
in part to the river Tanais. North of the country
of the Royal Scythians are the Melanchlaeni
(Black-Robes), a people of quite a different
race from the Scythians. Beyond them lie
marshes and a region without inhabitants, so
far as our knowledge reaches.

21. When one crosses the Tanais, one is no
longer in Scythia; the first region on crossing
is that of the Sauromatae, who, beginning at
the upper end of the Palus Maeotis, stretch
northward a distance of fifteen days' journey,
inhabiting a country which is entirely bare of
trees, whether wild or cultivated. Above them,
possessing the second region, dwell the Budini,
whose territory is thickly wooded with trees of
every kind.

22. Beyond the Budini, as one goes north-
ward, first there is a desert, seven days' journey
across; after which, if one inclines somewhat
to the east, the Thyssagetae are reached, a nu-

1 Rennell proposes to read "four days' journey"
and indeed without some such alteration the ge-
ography of this part of Scythia is utterly inexplica-
ble.

128

HERODOTUS

mcrous nation quite distinct from any other,
and living by the chase. Adjoining them, and
within the limits of the same region, are the
people who bear the name of lyrcae; they also
support themselves by hunting, which they
practise in the following manner. The hunter
climbs a tree, the whole country abounding in
wood, and there sets himself in ambush; he
has a dog at hand, and a horse, trained to lie
down upon its belly, and thus make itself low;
the hunter keeps watch, and when he sees his
game, lets fly an arrow; then mounting his
horse, he gives the beast chase, his dog follow-
ing hard all the while. Beyond these people, a
little to the east, dwells a distinct tribe of
Scyths, who revolted once from the Royal
Scythians, and migrated into these parts.

23. As far as their country, the tract of land
whereof I have been speaking is all a smooth
plain, and the soil deep; beyond you enter on
a region which is rugged and stony. Passing
over a great extent of this rough country, you
come to a people dwelling at the foot of lofty
mountains, who are said to be all both men
and women bald from their birth, to have
flat noses, and very long chins. These people
speak a language of their own, but the dress
which they wear is the same as the Scythian.
They live on the fruit of a certain tree, the
name of which is Ponticum; in size it is about
equal to our fig-tree, and it bears a fruit like a
bean, with a stone inside. When the fruit is
ripe, they strain it through cloths; the juice
which runs off is black and thick, and is called
by the natives "aschy." They lap this up with
their tongues, and also mix it with milk for a
drink; while they make the lees, which are sol-
id, into cakes, and eat them instead of meat;
for they have but few sheep in their country,
in which there is no good pasturage. Each of
them dwells under a tree, and they cover the
tree in winter with a cloth of thick white felt,
but take off the covering in the summer-time.
No one harms these people, for they are looked
upon as sacred they do not even possess any
warlike weapons. When their neighbours fall
out, they make up the quarrel; and when one
flies to them for refuge, he is safe from all hurt.
They are called the Argippacans.

24. Up to this point the territory of which
we are speaking is very completely explored,
and all the nations between the coast and the
bald-headed men are well known to us. For
some of the Scythians are accustomed to pene-
trate as far, of whom inquiry may easily be
made, and Greeks also go there from the mart

[BooK IV

on the Borysthenes, and from the other marts
along the Euxine. The Scythians who make
this journey communicate with the inhabitants
by means of seven interpreters and seven lan-
guages.

25. Thus far, therefore, the land is known;
but beyond the bald-headed men lies a region
of which no one can give any exact account.
Lofty and precipitous mountains, which are
never crossed, bar further progress. The bald
men say, but it does not seem to me credible,
that the people who live in these mountains
have feet like goats; and that after passing them
you find another race of men, who sleep dur-
ing one half of the year. This latter statement
appears to me quite unworthy of credit. The
region east of the bald-headed men is well
known to be inhabited by the Issedonians, but
the tract that lies to the north of these two na-
tions is entirely unknown, except by the ac-
counts which they give of it.

26. The Issedonians are said to have the fol-
lowing customs. When a man's father dies, all
the near relatives bring sheep to the house;
which are sacrificed, and their flesh cut in
pieces, while at the same time the dead body
undergoes the like treatment. The two sorts of
flesh are afterwards mixed together, and the
whole is served up at a banquet. The head of
the dead man is treated differently: it is
stripped bare, cleansed, and set in gold. It then
becomes an ornament on which they pride
themselves, and is brought out year by year at
the great festival which sons keep in honour
of their fathers' death, just as the Greeks keep
their Genesia. In other respects the Issedonians
are reputed to be observers of justice: and it is
to be remarked that their women have equal
authority with the men. Thus our knowledge
extends as far as this nation.

27. The regions beyond are known only
from the accounts of the Issedonians, by whom
the stories are told of the one-eyed race of men
and the gold-guarding griffins. These stories
are received by the Scythians from the Issedo-
nians, and by them passed on to us Greeks:
whence it arises that we give the one-eyed race
the Scythian name of Arimaspi, "arima" being
the Scythic word for "one," and "spu" for "the
eye."

28. The whole district whereof we have here
discoursed has winters of exceeding rigour.
During eight months the frost is so intense
that water poured upon the ground does not
form mud, but if a fire be lighted on it mud is
produced. The sea freezes, and the Cimmer-

23-33]

THE HISTORY

129

ian Bosphorus is frozen over. At that season
the Scythians who dwell inside the trench
make warlike expeditions upon the ice, and
even drive their waggons across to the country
of the Sindians. Such is the intensity of the
cold during eight months out of the twelve;
and even in the remaining four the climate is
still cool. The character of the winter likewise
is unlike that of the same season in any other
country; for at that time, when the rains ought
to fall in Scythia, there is scarcely any rain
worth mentioning, while in summer it never
gives over raining; and thunder, which else-
where is frequent then, in Scythia is unknown
in that part of the year, coming only in sum-
mer, when it is very heavy. Thunder in the
winter-time is there accounted a prodigy; as
also are earthquakes, whether they happen in
winter or summer. Horses bear the winter
well, cold as it is, but mules and asses are quite
unable to bear it; whereas in other countries
mules and asses are found to endure the cold,
while horses, if they stand still, are frost-bitten.

29. To me it seems that the cold may like-
wise be the cause which prevents the oxen in
Scythia from having horns. There is a line of
Homer's in the Odyssey which gives a support
to my opinion:

Libya too, where horns bud quic\ on the fore-
heads of lambkins. 1

He means to say what is quite true, that in
warm countries the horns come early. So too
in countries where the cold is severe animals
either have no horns, or grow them with diffi-
culty the cold being the cause in this in-
stance.

30. Here I must express my wonder addi-
tions being what my work always from the
very first affected that in Elis, where the cold
is not remarkable, and there is nothing else to
account for it, mules are never produced. The
Eleans say it is in consequence of a curse; and
their habit is, when the breeding-time comes,
to take their mares into one of the adjoining
countries, and there keep them till they are in
foal, when they bring them back again into Elis.

31. With respect to the feathers which are
said by the Scythians to fill the air, and to pre-
vent persons from penetrating into the remoter
parts of the continent, or even having any view
of those regions, my opinion is that in the
countries above Scythia it always snows less,
of course, in the summer than in the winter-
time. Now snow when it falls looks like feath-

1 Odyssey, Bk. iv. 85.

ers, as every one is aware who has seen it come
down close to him. These northern regions,
therefore, are uninhabitable by reason of the
severity of the winter; and the Scythians, with
their neighbours, call the snow-flakes feathers
because, I think, of the likeness which they
bear to them. I have now related what is said
of the most distant parts of this continent
whereof any account is given.

32. Of the Hyperboreans nothing is said
either by the Scythians or by any of the other
dwellers in these regions, unless it be the Is-
sedonians. But in my opinion, even the Issedo-
nians are silent concerning them; otherwise
the Scythians would have repeated their state-
ments, as they do those concerning the one-
eyed men. Hesiod, however, mentions them,
and Homer also in the Epigoni, if that be real-
ly a work of his.

33. But the persons who have by far the
most to say on this subject are the Delians.
They declare that certain offerings, packed in
wheaten straw, were brought from the country
of the Hyperboreans into Scythia, and that the
Scythians received them and passed them on
to their neighbours upon the west, who con-
tinued to pass them on until at last they reached
the Adriatic. From hence they were sent south-
ward, and when they came to Greece, were re-
ceived first of all by the Dodonaeans. Thence
they descended to the Maliac Gulf, from which
they were carried across into Euboea, where the
people handed them on from city to city, till
they came at length to Carystus. The Carys-
tians took them over to Tenos, without stop-
ping at Andros; and the Tenians brought them
finally to Delos. Such, according to their own
account, was the road by which the offerings
reached the Delians. Two damsels, they say,
named Hyperoche' and Laodice, brought the
first offerings from the Hyperboreans; and
with them the Hyperboreans sent five men to
keep them from all harm by the way; these are
the persons whom the Delians call "Perpher-
ees," and to whom great honours are paid at
Delos. Afterwards the Hyperboreans, when
they found that their messengers did not re-
turn, thinking it would be a grievous thing al-
ways to be liable to lose the envoys they should
send, adopted the following plan: they
wrapped their offerings in the wheaten straw,
and bearing them to their borders, charged
their neighbours to send them forward from
one nation to another, which was done accord-
ingly, and in this way the offerings reached
Delos. I myself know of a practice like this,

130

HERODOTUS

which obtains with the women of Thrace and
Paeonia. They in their sacrifices to the queenly
Diana bring wheaten straw always with their
offerings. Of my own knowledge I can testify
that this is so.

34. The damsels sent by the Hyperboreans
died in Delos; and in their honour all the Deli-
an girls and youths are wont to cut off their
hair. The girls, before their marriage-day, cut
off a curl, and twining it round a distaff, lay
it upon the grave of the strangers. This grave
is on the left as one enters the precinct of Di-
ana, and has an olive-tree growing on it. The
youths wind some of their hair round a kind of
grass, and, like the girls, place it upon the
tomb. Such are the honours paid to these dam-
sels by the Delians.

35. They add that, once before, there came
to Delos by the same road as Hyperoch and
Laodice, two other virgins from the Hyper-
boreans, whose names were Arg and Opis.
Hyperoche and Laodice came to bring to Ili-
thyia the offering which they had laid upon
themselves, in acknowledgment of their
quick labours; but Arge* and Opis came at the
same time as the gods of Delos, 1 and are hon-
oured by the Delians in a different way. For
the Delian women make collections in these
maidens' names, and invoke them in the hymn
which Olen, a Lycian, composed for them; and
the rest of the islanders, and even the lonians,
have been taught by the Delians to do the like.
This Olen, who came from Lycia, made the
other old hymns also which are sung in Delos.
The Delians add that the ashes from the
thigh-bones burnt upon the altar are scattered
over the tomb of Opis and Arge. Their tomb
lies behind the temple of Diana, facing the
east, near the banqueting-hall of the Ceians.
Thus much then, and no more, concerning the
Hyperboreans.

36. As for the tale of Abaris, who is said to
have been a Hyperborean, and to have gone
with his arrow all round the world without
once eating, I shall pass it by in silence. Thus
much, however, is clear: if there are Hyperbor-
eans, there must also be Hypernotians. For my
part, I cannot but laugh when I see numbers
of persons drawing maps of the world without
having any reason to guide them; making, as
they do, the ocean-stream to run all round the
earth, and the earth itself to be an exact circle,
as if described by a pair of compasses, with
Europe and Asia just of the same size. The
truth in this matter I will now proceed to ex-

1 Apollo and Diana.

[BOOK rv

plain in a very few words, making it clear what
the real size of each region is, and what shape
should be given them.

37. The Persians inhabit a country upon the
southern or Erythraean sea; above them, to the
north, are the Medes; beyond the Medes, the
Saspirians; beyond them, the Colchians, reach-
ing to the northern sea, into which the Phasis
empties itself. These four nations fill the whole
space from one sea to the other.

38. West of these nations there project into
the sea two tracts which I will now describe;
one, beginning at the river Phasis on the north,
stretches along the Euxine and the Hellespont
to Sigeum in the Troas; while on the south it
reaches from the Myriandrian gulf, which ad-
joins Phoenicia, to the Triopic promontory.
This is one of the tracts, and is inhabited by
thirty different nations.

39. The other starts from the country of the
Persians, and stretches into the Erythraean sea,
containing first Persia, then Assyria, and after
Assyria, Arabia. It ends, that is to say, it is con-
sidered to end, though it does not really come
to a termination, at the Arabian gulf the gulf
whereinto Darius conducted the canal which
he made from the Nile. Between Persia and
Phoenicia lies a broad and ample tract of coun-
try, after which the region I am describing
skirts our sea, stretching from Phoenicia along
the coast of Palestine-Syria till it comes to
Egypt, where it terminates. This entire tract
contains but three nations. The whole of Asia
west of the country of the Persians is com-
prised in these two regions.

40. Beyond the tract occupied by the Per-
sians, Medes, Saspirians, and Colchians, to-
wards the east and the region of the sunrise,
Asia is bounded on the south by the Erythrae-
an sea, and on the north by the Caspian and
the river Araxes, which flows towards the ris-
ing sun. Till you reach India the country is
peopled; but further east it is void of inhabi-
tants, and no one can say what sort of region
it is. Such then is the shape, and such the size
of Asia.

41. Libya belongs to one of the above-men-
tioned tracts, for it adjoins on Egypt. In Egypt
the tract is at first a narrow neck, the distance
from our sea to the Erythraean not exceeding a
hundred thousand fathoms, or, in other words,
a thousand furlongs; but from the point
where the neck ends, the tract which bears the
name of Libya is of very great breadth.

42. For my part I am astonished that men
should ever have divided Libya, Asia, and Eu-

34-45]

THE HISTORY

131

rope as they have, for they are exceedingly un-
equal. Europe extends the entire length of the
other two, and for breadth will not even (as I
think) bear to be compared to them. As for
Libya, we know it to be washed on all sides by
the sea, except where it is attached to Asia.
This discovery was first made by Necos, the
Egyptian king, who on desisting from the
canal which he had begun between the Nile
and the Arabian gulf, sent to sea a number of
ships manned by Phoenicians, with orders to
make for the Pillars of Hercules, and return to
Egypt through them, and by the Mediterran-
ean. The Phoenicians took their departure
from Egypt by way of the Erythraean sea, and
so sailed into the southern ocean. When au-
tumn came, they went ashore, wherever they
might happen to be, and having sown a tract
of land with corn, waited until the grain was
fit to cut. Having reaped it, they again set sail;
and thus it came to pass that two whole years
went by, and it was not till the third year that
they doubled the Pillars of Hercules, and made
good their voyage home. On their return, they
declared I for my part do not believe them,
but perhaps others may that in sailing round
Libya they had the sun upon their right hand. In
this way was the extent of Libya first discovered.
43. Next to these Phoenicians the Carthagin-
ians, according to their own accounts, made
the voyage. For Sataspes, son of Teaspes the
Achaemenian, did not circumnavigate Libya,
though he was sent to do so; but, fearing the
length and desolateness of the journey, he
turned back and left unaccomplished the task
which had been set him by his mother. This
man had used violence towards a maiden, the
daughter of Zopyrus, son of Megabyzus, and
King Xerxes was about to impale him for the
offence, when his mother, who was a sister of
Darius, begged him off, undertaking to punish
his crime more heavily than the king himself
had designed. She would force him, she said, to
sail round Libya and return to Egypt by the
Arabian gulf. Xerxes gave his consent; and
Sataspes went down to Egypt, and there got a
ship and crew, with which he set sail for the
Pillars of Hercules. Having passed the Straits,
he doubled the Libyan headland, known as
Cape Soloeis, and proceeded southward. Fol-
lowing this course for many months over a vast
stretch of sea, and finding that more water
than he had crossed still lay ever before him,
he put about, and came back to Egypt. Thence
proceeding to the court, he made report to
Xerxes, that at the farthest point to which he

had reached, the coast was occupied by a
dwarfish race, who wore a dress made from the
palm tree. These people, whenever he landed,
left their towns and fled away to the moun-
tains; his men, however, did them no wrong,
only entering into their cities and taking some
of their cattle. The reason why he had not
sailed quite round Libya was, he said, because
the ship stopped, and would no go any further.
Xerxes, however, did not accept this account
for true; and so Sataspes, as he had failed to ac-
complish the task set him, was impaled by the
king's orders in accordance with the former
sentence. One of his eunuchs, on hearing of
his death, ran away with a great portion of his
wealth, and reached Samos, where a certain
Samian seized the whole. I know the man's
name well, but I shall willingly forget it here.

44. Of the greater part of Asia Darius was
the discoverer. Wishing to know where the
Indus (which is the only river save one that
produces crocodiles) emptied itself into the sea,
he sent a number of men, on whose truthful-
ness he could rely, and among them Scylax of
Caryanda, to sail down the river. They started
from the city of Caspatyrus, in the region
called Pactyi'ca, and sailed down the stream in
an easterly direction to the sea. Here they
turned westward, and, after a voyage of thirty
months, reached the place from which the
Egyptian king, of whom I spoke above, sent
the Phoenicians to sail round Libya. After this
voyage was completed, Darius conquered the
Indians, and made use of the sea in those parts.
Thus all Asia, except the eastern portion, has
been found to be similarly circumstanced with
Libya.

45. But the boundaries of Europe are quite
unknown, and there is not a man who can say
whether any sea girds it round cither on the
north or on the east, while in length it un-
doubtedly extends as far as both the other two.
For my part I cannot conceive why three
names, and women's names especially, should
ever have been given to a tract which is in re-
ality one, nor why the Egyptian Nile and the
Colchian Phasis (or according to others the
Maeotic Tanais and Cimmerian ferry) should
have been fixed upon for the boundary lines;
nor can I even say who gave the three tracts
their names, or whence they took the epithets.
According to the Greeks in general, Libya was
so called after a certain Libya, a native woman,
and Asia after the wife of Prometheus. The
Lydians, however, put in a claim to the latter
name, which, they declare, was not derived

132 HERODOTUS

from Asia the wife of Prometheus, but from
Asies, the son of Cotys, and grandson of
Manes, who also gave name to the tribe Asias
at Sardis. As for Europe, no one can say
whether it is surrounded by the sea or not,
neither is it known whence the name of Eu-
rope was derived, nor who gave it name, un-
less we say that Europe was so called after the
Tyrian Europe, and before her time was name-
less, like the other divisions. But it is certain
that Europe* was an Asiatic, and never even set
foot on the land which the Greeks now call
Europe, only sailing from Phoenicia to Crete,
and from Crete to Lycia. However let us quit
these matters. We shall ourselves continue to
use the names which custom sanctions.

46. The Euxine sea, where Darius now went
to war, has nations dwelling around it, with
the one exception of the Scythians, more un-
polished than those of any other region that we
know of. For, setting aside Anacharsis and the
Scythian people, there is not within this region
a single nation which can be put forward as
having any claims to wisdom, or which has
produced a single person of any high repute.
The Scythians indeed have in one respect, and
that the very most important of all those that
fall under man's control, shown themselves
wiser than any nation upon the face of the
earth. Their customs otherwise are not such as
I admire. The one thing of which I speak is
the contrivance whereby they make it impos-
sible for the enemy who invades them to es-
cape destruction, while they themselves are en-
tirely out of his reach, unless it please them to
engage with him. Having neither cities nor
forts, and carrying their dwellings with them
wherever they go; accustomed, moreover, one
and all of them, to shoot from horseback; and
living not by husbandry but on their cattle,
their waggons the only houses that they pos-
sess, how can they fail of being unconquerable,
and unassailable even?

47. The nature of their country, and the riv-
ers by which it is intersected, greatly favour
this mode of resisting attacks. For the land is
level, well watered, and abounding in pasture;
while the rivers which traverse it are almost
equal in number to the canals of Egypt. Of
these I shall only mention the most famous and
such as are navigable to some distance from the
sea. They are, the Ister, which has five mouths;
the Tyras, the Hypanis, the Borysthenes, the
Panticapes, the Hypacyris, the Gerrhus, and
the Tanais. The courses of these streams I shall
now proceed to describe.

[BooK iv

48. The Ister is of all the rivers with which
we are acquainted the mightiest. It never var-
ies in height, but continues at the same level
summer and winter. Counting from the west
it is the first of the Scythian rivers, and the
reason of its being the greatest is that it re-
ceives the water of several tributaries. Now the
tributaries which swell its flood are the follow-
ing: first, on the side of Scythia, these five
the stream called by the Scythians Porata, and
by the Greeks Pyretus, the Tiarantus, the
Ararus, the Naparis, and the Ordessus. The
first mentioned is a great stream, and is the
easternmost of the tributaries. The Tiarantus
is of less volume, and more to the west. The
Ararus, Naparis, and Ordessus fall into the
Ister between these two. All the above men-
tioned are genuine Scythian rivers, and go to
swell the current of the Ister.

49. From the country of the Agathyrsi comes
down another river, the Maris, which empties
itself into the same; and from the heights of
Haemus descend with a northern course three
mighty streams, the Atlas, the Auras, and the
Tibisis, and pour their waters into it. Thrace
gives it three tributaries, the Athrys, the Noes,
and the Artanes, which all pass through the
country of the Crobyzian Thracians. Another
tributary is furnished by Paeonia, namely, the
Scius; this river, rising near Mount Rhodope,
forces its way through the chain of Haemus, 1
and so reaches the Ister. From Illyria comes
another stream, the Angrus, which has a
course from south to north, and after watering
the Triballian plain, falls into the Brongus,
which falls into the Ister. So the Ister is aug-
mented by these two streams, both consider-
able. Besides all these, the Ister receives also
the waters of the Carpis and the Alpis, two
rivers running in a northerly direction from
the country above the Umbrians. For the Ister
flows through the whole extent of Europe, ris-
ing in the country of the Celts (the most west-
erly of all the nations of Europe, excepting the
Cynetians), and thence running across the
continent till it reaches Scythia, whereof it
washes the flanks.

50. All these streams, then, and many others,
add their waters to swell the flood of the Ister,
which thus increased becomes the mightiest of
rivers; for undoubtedly if we compare the
stream of the Nile with the single stream of the
Ister, we must give the preference to the Nile,
of which no tributary river, nor even rivulet,

1 This is untrue. No stream forces its way
through this chain.

46-57]

THE HISTORY

133

augments the volume. The Ister remains at
the same level both summer and winter
owing to the following reasons, as I believe.
During the winter it runs at its natural height,
or a very little higher, because in those coun-
tries there is scarcely any rain in winter, but
constant snow. When summer comes, this
snow, which is of great depth, begins to melt,
and flows into the Ister, which is swelled at
that season, not only by this cause but also by
the rains, which are heavy and frequent at that
part of the year. Thus the various streams
which go to form the Ister are higher in sum-
mer than in winter, and just so much higher
as the sun's power and attraction are greater;
so that these two causes counteract each other,
and the effect is to produce a balance, whereby
the Ister remains always at the same level.

51. This, then, is one of the great Scythian
rivers; the next to it is the Tyras, which rises
from a great lake separating Scythia from the
land of the Neuri, and runs with a southerly
course to the sea. Greeks dwell at the mouth
of the river, who are called Tyritae.

52. The third river is the Hypanis. This
stream rises within the limits of Scythia, and
has its source in another vast lake, around
which wild white horses graze. The lake is
called, properly enough, the Mother of the
Hypanis. The Hypanis, rising here, during the
distance of five clays' navigation is a shallow
stream, and the water sweet and pure; thence,
however, to the sea, which is a distance of four
days, it is exceedingly bitter. This change is
caused by its receiving into it at that point a
brook the waters of which are so bitter that, al-
though it is but a tiny rivulet, it nevertheless
taints the entire Hypanis, which is a large
stream among those of the second order. The
source of this bitter spring is on the borders of
the Scythian Husbandmen, where they adjoin
upon the Alazonians; and the place where it
rises is called in the Scythic tongue Exampxus,
which means in our language, "The Sacred
Ways." The spring itself bears the same name.
The Tyras and the Hypanis approach each
other in the country of the Alazonians, but
afterwards separate, and leave a wide space be-
tween their streams.

53. The fourth of the Scythian rivers is the
Borysthenes. Next to the Ister, it is the greatest
of them all; and, in my judgment, it is the most
productive river, not merely in Scythia, but in
the whole world, excepting only the Nile, with
which no stream can possibly compare. It has
upon its banks the loveliest and most excellent

pasturages for cattle; it contains abundance of
the most delicious fish; its water is most pleas-
ant to the taste; its stream is limpid, while all
the other rivers near it are muddy; the richest
harvests spring up along its course, and where
the ground is not sown, the heaviest crops of
grass; while salt forms in great plenty about its
mouth without human aid, and large fish are
taken in it of the sort called Antacaei, without
any prickly bones, and good for pickling. Nor
are these the whole of its marvels. As far in-
land as the place named Gerrhus, which is dis-
tant forty days' voyage from the sea, its course
is known, and its direction is from north to
south; but above this no one has traced it, so as
to say through what countries it flows. It enters
the territory of the Scythian Husbandmen after
running for some time across a desert region,
and continues for ten days' navigation to pass
through the land which they inhabit. It is the
only river besides the Nile the sources of which
are unknown to me, as they are also (I believe)
to all the other Greeks. Not long before it
reaches the sea, the Borysthenes is joined by the
Hypanis, which pours its waters into the same
lake. The land that lies between them, a nar-
row point like the beak of a ship, is called Cape
Hippolaiis. Here is a temple dedicated to
Ceres, and opposite the temple upon the Hy-
panis is the dwelling-place of the Borysthenites.
But enough has been said of these streams.

54. Next in succession comes the fifth river,
called the Panticapes, which has, like the Borys-
thenes, a course from north to south, and rises
from a lake. The space between this river and
the Borysthenes is occupied by the Scythians
who are engaged in husbandry. After watering
their country, the Panticapes flows through
Hyla-a, and empties itself into the Borysthenes.

55. The sixth stream is the Hypacyris, a
river rising from a lake, and running directly
through the middle of the Nomadic Scythians.
It falls into the sea near the city of Carcinitis,
leaving Hylaea and the course of Achilles to the
right.

56. The seventh river is the Gerrhus, which
is a branch thrown out by the Borysthenes at
the point where the course of that stream first
begins to be known, to wit, the region called
by the same name as the stream itself, viz.
Gerrhus. This river on its passage towards
the sea divides the country of the Nomadic
from that of the Royal Scyths. It runs into the
Hypacyris.

57. The eighth river is the Tanais, a stream
which has its source, far up the country, in a

134 HERODOTUS

lake of vast size, and which empties itself into
another still larger lake, the Palus Maeotis,
whereby the country of the Royal Scythians is
divided from that of the Sauromatae. The
Tanais receives the waters of a tributary
stream, called the Hyrgis.

58. Such then are the rivers of chief note in
Scythia. The grass which the land produces is
more apt to generate gall in the beasts that feed
on it than any other grass which is known to
us, as plainly appears on the opening of their
carcases.

59. Thus abundantly are the Scythians pro-
vided with the most important necessaries.
Their manners and customs come now to be
described. They worship only the following
gods, namely, Vesta, whom they reverence be-
yond all the rest, Jupiter, and Tellus, whom
they consider to be the wife of Jupiter; and
after these Apollo, Celestial Venus, Hercules,
and Mars. These gods are worshipped by the
whole nation: the Royal Scythians offer sacri-
fice likewise to Neptune. In the Scythic tongue
Vesta is called Tahiti, Jupiter (very properly,
in my judgment) Papceus, Tellus Apia, Apollo
(Etosyrus, Celestial Venus Artlmpasa, and
Neptune Thamimasadas. They use no images,
altars, or temples, except in the worship of
Mars; but in his worship they do use them.

60. The manner of their sacrifices is every-
where and in every case the same; the victim
stands with its two fore-feet bound together by
a cord, and the person who is about to offer,
taking his station behind the victim, gives the
rope a pull, and thereby throws the animal
down; as it falls he invokes the god to whom
he is offering; after which he puts a noose
round the animal's neck, and, inserting a small
stick, twists it round, and so strangles him. No
fire is lighted, there is no consecration, and no
pouring out of drink-offerings; but directly
that the beast is strangled the sacnficer flays
him, and then sets to work to boil the flesh.

6 1. As Scythia, however, is utterly barren of
firewood, a plan has had to be contrived for
boiling the flesh, which is the following. After
flaying the beasts, they take out all the bones,
and (if they possess such gear) put the flesh
into boilers made in the country, which are
very like the cauldrons of the Lesbians, ex-
cept that they are of a much larger size; then
placing the bones of the animals beneath the
cauldron, they set them alight, and so boil the
meat. If they do not happen to possess a cauld-
ron, they make the animal's paunch hold the
flesh, and pouring in at the same time a little

[BooK iv

water, lay the bones under and light them.
The bones burn beautifully; and the paunch
easily contains all the flesh when it is stript
from the bones, so that by this plan your ox is
made to boil himself, and other victims also
to do the like. When the meat is all cooked, the
sacrificer offers a portion of the flesh and of
the entrails, by casting it on the ground before
him. They sacrifice all sorts of cattle, but most
commonly horses.

62. Such are the victims offered to the other
gods, and such is the mode in which they are
sacrificed; but the rites paid to Mars are dif-
ferent. In every district, at the seat of govern-
ment, there stands a temple of this god, where-
of the following is a description. It is a pile of
brushwood, made of a vast quantity of fagots,
in length and breadth three furlongs; in height
somewhat less, having a square platform upon
the top, three sides of which are precipitous,
while the fourth slopes so that men may walk
up it. Each year a hundred and fifty waggon-
loads of brushwood are added to the pile,
which sinks continually by reason of the rains.
An antique iron sword is planted on the top of
every such mound, and serves as the image of
Mars: yearly sacrifices of cattle and of horses
are made to it, and more victims are offered
thus than to all the rest of their gods. When
prisoners are taken in war, out of every hun-
dred men they sacrifice one, not however with
the same rites as the cattle, but with different.
Libations of wine are first poured upon their
heads, after which they are slaughtered over
a vessel; the vessel is then carried up to the top
of the pile, and the blood poured upon the
scymitar. While this takes place at the top of
the mound, below, by the side of the temple,
the right hands and arms of the slaughtered
prisoners are cut off, and tossed on high into
the air. Then the other victims are slain, and
those who have offered the sacrifice depart,
leaving the hands and arms where they may
chance to have fallen, and the bodies also,
separate.

63. Such are the observances of the Scythians
with respect to sacrifice. They never use swine
for the purpose, nor indeed is it their wont to
breed them in any part of their country.

64. In what concerns war, their customs are
the following. The Scythian soldier drinks the
blood of the first man he overthrows in battle.
Whatever number he slays, he cuts off all their
heads, and carries them to the king; since he
is thus entitled to a share of the booty, whereto
he forfeits all claim if he does not produce a

58-69]

head. In order to strip the skull of its covering,
he makes a cut round the head above the ears,
and, laying hold of the scalp, shakes the skull
out; then with the rib of an ox he scrapes the
scalp clean of flesh, and softening it by rubbing
between the hands, uses it thenceforth as a
napkin. The Scyth is proud of these scalps, and
hangs them from his bridle-rein; the greater
the number of such napkins that a man can
show, the more highly is he esteemed among
them. Many make themselves cloaks, like the
capotes of our peasants, by sewing a quantity
of these scalps together. Others flay the right
arms of their dead enemies, and make of the
skin, which is stripped oft with the nails hang-
ing to it, a covering for their quivers. Now the
skin of a man is thick and glossy, and would
in whiteness surpass almost all other hides.
Some even flay the entire body of their enemy,
and stretching it upon a frame carry it about
with them wherever they ride. Such are the
Scythian customs with respect to scalps and
skins.

65. The skulls of their enemies, not indeed
of all, but of those whom they most detest, they
treat as follows. Having sawn off the portion
below the eyebrows, and cleaned out the inside,
they cover the outside with leather. When a
man is poor, this is all that he does; but if he is
rich, he also lines the inside with gold: in
either case the skull is used as a drinkmg-cup.
They do the same with the skulls of their own
kith and kin if they have been at feud with
them, and have vanquished them in the pres-
ence of the king. When strangers whom they
deem of any account come to visit them, these
skulls are handed round, and the host tells how
that these were his relations who made war
upon him, and how that he got the better of
them; all this being looked upon as proof of
bravery.

66. Once a year the governor of each district,
at a set place in his own province, mingles a
bowl of wine, of which all Scythians have a
right to drink by whom foes have been slain;
while they who have slain no enemy are not
allowed to taste of the bowl, but sit aloof in
disgrace. No greater shame than this can hap-
pen to them. Such as have slain a very large
number of foes, have two cups instead of one,
and drink from both.

67. Scythia has an abundance of soothsayers,
who foretell the future by means of a number
of willow wands. A large bundle of these
wands is brought and laid on the ground. The
soothsayer unties the bundle, and places each

THE HISTORY

135

wand by itself, at the same time uttering his
prophecy: then, while he is still speaking, he
gathers the rods together again, and makes
them up once more into a bundle. This mode
of divination is of home growth in Scythia.
The Enarees, or woman-like men, have another
method, which they say Venus taught them.
It is done with the inner bark of the linden-
tree. They take a piece of this bark, and, split-
ting it into three strips, keep twining the strips
about their fingers, and untwining them, while
they prophesy.

68. Whenever the Scythian king falls sick,
he sends for the three soothsayers of most re-
nown at the time, who come and make trial of
their art in the mode above described. Gen-
erally they say that the king is ill because such
or such a person, mentioning his name, has
sworn falsely by the royal hearth. This is the
usual oath among the Scythians, when they
wish to swear with very great solemnity. Then
the man accused of having foresworn himself
is arrested and brought before the king. The
soothsayers tell him that by their art it is clear
he has sworn a false oath by the royal hearth,
and so caused the illness of the king he de-
nies the charge, protests that he has sworn no
false oath, and loudly complains of the wrong
done to him. Upon this the king sends for six
new soothsayers, who try the matter by sooth-
saying. If they too find the man guilty of the
offence, straightway he is beheaded by those
who first accused him, and his goods are part-
ed among them: if, on the contrary, they acquit
him, other soothsayers, and again others, are
sent for, to try the case. Should the greater
number decide in favour of the man's inno-
cence, then they who first accused him forfeit
their lives.

69. The mode of their execution is the fol-
lowing: a waggon is loaded with brushwood,
and oxen are harnessed to it; the soothsayers,
with their feet tied together, their hands bound
behind their backs, and their mouths gagged,
are thrust into the midst of the brushwood;
finally the wood is set alight, and the oxen,
being startled, are made to rush off with the
waggon. It often happens that the oxen and
the soothsayers are both consumed together,
but sometimes the pole of the waggon is burnt
through, and the oxen escape with a scorching.
Diviners lying diviners, they call them are
burnt in the way described, for other causes be-
sides the one here spoken of. When the king
puts one of them to death, he takes care not to
let any of his sons survive: all the male off-

136

HERODOTUS

[BOOK iv

spring arc slain with the father, only the fe-
males being allowed to live.

70. Oaths among the Scyths are accompa-
nied with the following ceremonies: a large
carthern bowl is filled with wine, and the par-
ties to the oath, wounding themselves slightly
with a knife or an awl, drop some of their
blood into the wine; then they plunge into the
mixture a scymitar, some arrows, a battle-axe,
and a javelin, all the while repeating prayers;
lastly the two contracting parties drink each a
draught from the bowl, as do also the chief
men among their followers.

71. The tombs of their kings are in the land
of the Gerrhi, who dwell at the point where the
Borysthenes is first navigable. Here, when the
king dies, they dig a grave, which is square in
shape, and of great size. When it is ready, they
take the king's corpse, and, having opened the
belly, and cleaned out the inside, fill the cavity
with a preparation of chopped cypress, frank-
incense, parsley-seed, and anise-seed, after
which they sew up the opening, enclose the
body in wax, and, placing it on a waggon,
carry it about through all the different tribes.
On this procession each tribe, when it receives
the corpse, imitates the example which is first
set by the Royal Scythians; every man chops
off a piece of his ear, crops his hair close, and
makes a cut all round his arm, lacerates his
forehead and his nose, and thrusts an arrow
through his left hand. Then they who have
the care of the corpse carry it with them to an-
other of the tribes which are under the Scyth-
ian rule, followed by those whom they first
visited. On completing the circuit of all the
tribes under their sway, they find themselves
in the country of the Gerrhi, who are the most
remote of all, and so they come to the tombs of
the kings. There the body of the dead king is
laid in the grave prepared for it, stretched upon
a mattress; spears are fixed in the ground on
either side of the corpse, and beams stretched
across above it to form a roof, which is covered
with a thatching of osier twigs. In the open
space around the body of the king they bury
one of his concubines, first killing her by
strangling, and also his cup-bearer, his cook,
his groom, his lacquey, his messenger, some of
his horses, firstlings of all his other possessions,
and some golden cups; for they use neither
silver nor brass. After this they set to work, and
raise a vast mound above the grave, all of them
vying with each other and seeking to make it
as tall as possible.

72. When a year is gone by, further cere-

monies take place. Fifty of the best of the late
king's attendants are taken, all native Scythians
for, as bought slaves are unknown in the
country, the Scythian kings choose any of their
subjects that they like, to wait on them fifty
of these are taken and strangled, with fifty of
the most beautiful horses. When they are dead,
their bowels are taken out, and the cavity
cleaned, filled full of chaff, and straightway
sewn up again. This done, a number of posts
are driven into the ground, in sets of two pairs
each, and on every pair half the felly of a wheel
is placed archwise; then strong stakes are run
lengthways through the bodies of the horses
from tail to neck, and they are mounted up
upon the fellies, so that the felly in front sup-
ports the shoulders of the horse, while that be-
hind sustains the belly and quarters, the legs
dangling in mid-air; each horse is furnished
with a bit and bridle, which latter is stretched
out in front of the horse, and fastened to a peg.
The fifty strangled youths are then mounted
severally on the fifty horses. To effect this, a
second stake is passed through their bodies
along the course of the spine to the neck; the
lower end of which projects from the body,
and is fixed into a socket, made in the stake
that runs lengthwise down the horse. The fifty
riders are thus ranged in a circle round the
tomb, and so left.

73. Such, then, is the mode in which the
kings are buried: as for the people, when any
one dies, his nearest of kin lay him upon a
waggon and take him round to all his friends
in succession: each receives them in turn and
entertains them with a banquet, whereat the
dead man is served with a portion of all that is
set before the others; this is done for forty
days, at the end of which time the burial takes
place. After the burial, those engaged in it have
to purify themselves, which they do in the fol-
lowing way. First they well soap and wash
their heads; then, in order to cleanse their
bodies, they act as follows: they make a booth
by fixing in the ground three sticks inclined
towards one another, and stretching around
them woollen felts, which they arrange so as to
fit as close as possible: inside the booth a dish
is placed upon the ground, into which they
put a number of red-hot stones, and then add
some hemp-seed.

74. Hemp grows in Scythia: it is very like
flax; only that it is a much coarser and taller
plant: some grows wild about the country,
some is produced by cultivation: the Thracians
make garments of it which closely resemble

70-78]

THE HISTORY

137

linen; so much so, indeed, that if a person has
never seen hemp he is sure to think they are
linen, and if he has, unless he is very experi-
enced in such matters, he will not know of
which material they are.

75. The Scythians, as I said, take some of
this hemp-seed, and, creeping under the felt
coverings, throw it upon the red-hot stones;
immediately it smokes, and gives out such a
vapour as no Grecian vapour-bath can exceed;
the Scyths, delighted, shout for joy, and this
vapour serves them instead of a water-bath;
for they never by any chance wash their bodies
with water. Their women make a mixture of
cypress, cedar, and frankincense wood, which
they pound into a paste upon a rough piece of
stone, adding a little water to it. With this
substance, which is of a thick consistency, they
plaster their faces all over, and indeed their
whole bodies. A sweet odour is thereby im-
parted to them, and when they take off the
plaster on the day following, their skin is clean
and glossy.

76. The Scythians have an extreme hatred
of all foreign customs, particularly of those in
use among the Greeks, as the instances of Ana-
charsis, and, more lately, of Scylas, have fully
shown. The former, after he had travelled over
a great portion of the world, and displayed
wherever he went many proofs of wisdom, as
he sailed through the Hellespont on his return
to Scythia touched at Cyzicus. There he found
the inhabitants celebrating with much pomp
and magnificence a festival to the Mother of
the Gods, 1 and was himself induced to make a
vow to the goddess, whereby he engaged, if
he got back safe and sound to his home, that
he would give her a festival and a night-proces-
sion in all respects like those which he had seen
in Cyzicus. When, therefore, he arrived in
Scythia, he betook himself to the district called
the Woodland, which lies opposite the course
of Achilles, and is covered with trees of all
manner of different kinds, and there went
through all the sacred rites with the tabour in
his hand, and the images tied to him. While
thus employed, he was noticed by one of the
Scythians, who went and told king Saulius
what he had seen. Then king Saulius came in
person, and when he perceived what Anachar-
sis was about, he shot at him with an arrow
and killed him. To this day, if you ask the
Scyths about Anacharsis, they pretend igno-
rance of him, because of his Grecian travels
and adoption of the customs of foreigners. I

1 Cybele or Rhca.

learnt, however, from Timnes, the steward of
Ariapithes, that Anacharsis was paternal uncle
to the Scythian king Idanthyrsus, being the
son of Gnurus, who was the son of Lycus and
the grandson of Spargapithes. If Anacharsis
were really of this house, it must have been by
his own brother that he was slain, for Idan-
thyrsus was a son of the Saulius who put An-
acharsis to death.

77. I have heard, however, another tale, very
different from this, which is told by the Pelo-
ponnesians: they say, that Anacharsis was sent
by the king of the Scyths to make acquaint-
ance with Greece that he went, and on his re-
turn home reported that the Greeks were all
occupied in the pursuit of every kind of knowl-
edge, except the Lacedaemonians; who, how-
ever, alone knew how to converse sensibly. A
silly tale this, which the Greeks have invented
for their amusement! There is no doubt that
Anacharsis suffered death in the mode already
related, on account of his attachment to for-
eign customs, and the intercourse which he
held with the Greeks.

78. Scylas, likewise, the son of Ariapithes,
many years later, met with almost the very
same fate. Ariapithes, the Scythian king, had
several sons, among them this Scylas, who was
the child, not of a native Scy th, but of a woman
of Istria. Bred up by her, Scylas gained an ac-
quaintance with the Greek language and let-
ters. Some time afterwards, Ariapithes was
treacherously slain by Spargapithes, king of the
Aga thyrsi; whereupon Scylas succeeded to the
throne, and married one of his father's wives,
a woman named Opoea. This Opoea was a
Scythian by birth, and had brought Ariapithes
a son called Oricus. Now when Scylas found
himself king of Scythia, as he disliked the
Scythic mode of life, and was attached, by his
bringing up, to the manners of the Greeks, he
made it his usual practice, whenever he came
with his army to the town of the Borysthen-
ites, who, according to their own account, are
colonists of the Milesians he made it his
practice, I say, to leave the army before the city,
and, having entered within the walls by him-
self, and carefully closed the gates, to exchange
his Scythian dress for Grecian garments, and
in this attire to walk about the forum, without
guards or retinue. The Borysthenites kept
watch at the gates, that no Scythian might see
the king thus apparelled. Scylas, meanwhile,
lived exactly as the Greeks, and even offered
sacrifices to the gods according to the Grecian
rites. In this way he would pass a month, or

138

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK iv

more, with the Borysthenites, after which he
would clothe himself again in his Scythian
dress, and so take his departure. This he did
repeatedly, and even built himself a house in
Borysthenes, and married a wife there who
was a native of the place.

79. But when the time came that was or-
dained to bring him woe, the occasion of his
ruin was the following. He wanted to be in-
itiated in the Bacchic mysteries, and was on the
point of obtaining admission to the rites, when
a most strange prodigy occurred to him. The
house which he possessed, as I mentioned a
short time back, in the city of the Borysthen-
ites, a building of great extent and erected at
a vast cost, round which there stood a number
of sphinxes and griffins carved in white marble,
was struck by lightning from on high, and
burnt to the ground. Scylas, nevertheless, went
on and received the initiation. Now the Scyth-
ians are wont to reproach the Greeks with their
Bacchanal rage, and to say that it is not rea-
sonable to imagine there is a god who impels
men to madness. No sooner, therefore, was
Scylas initiated in the Bacchic mysteries than
one of the Borysthenites went and carried the
news to the Scythians "You Scyths laugh at
us," he said, "because we rave when the god
seizes us. But now our god has seized upon
your king, who raves like us, and is maddened
by the influence. If you think I do not tell you
true, come with me, and I will show him to
you." The chiefs of the Scythians went with
the man accordingly, and the Borysthenite,
conducting them into the city, placed them se-
cretly on one of the towers. Presently Scylas
passed by with the band of revellers, raving
like the rest, and was seen by the watchers. Re-
garding the matter as a very great misfortune
they instantly departed, and came and told the
army what they had witnessed.

80. When, therefore, Scylas, after leaving
Borysthenes, was about returning home, the
Scythians broke out into revolt. They put at
their head Octamasadas, grandson (on the
mother's side) of Teres. Then Scylas, when he
learned the danger with which he was threat-
ened, and the reason of the disturbance, made
his escape to Thrace. Octamasadas, discover-
ing whither he had fled, marched after him,
and had reached the Ister, when he was met
by the forces of the Thracians. The two armies
were about to engage, but before they joined
battle, Sitalces sent a message to Octamasadas
to this effect "Why should there be trial of
arms betwixt thee and me? Thou art my own

sister's son, and thou hast in thy keeping my
brother. Surrender him into my hands, and I
will give thy Scylas back to thee. So neither
thou nor I will risk our armies." Sitalces sent
this message to Octamasadas, by a herald, and
Octamasadas, with whom a brother of Sitalces
had formerly taken refuge, accepted the terms.
He surrendered his own uncle to Sitalces, and
obtained in exchange his brother Scylas. Sital-
ces took his brother with him and withdrew;
but Octamasadas beheaded Scylas upon the
spot. Thus rigidly do the Scythians maintain
their own customs, and thus severely do they
punish such as adopt foreign usages.

81. What the population of Scythia is I was
not able to learn with certainty; the accounts
which I received varied from one another. I
heard from some that they were very numer-
ous indeed; others made their numbers but
scanty for such a nation as the Scyths. Thus
much, however, I witnessed with my own
eyes. There is a tract called Exampaeus between
the Borysthenes and the Hypanis. I made some
mention of it in a former place, where I spoke
of the bitter stream which rising there flows
into the Hypanis, and renders the water of
that river undrinkable. Here then stands a
brazen bowl, six times as big as that at the en-
trance of the Euxme, which Pausanias, the son
of Cleombrotus, set up. Such as have never
seen that vessel may understand me better if I
say that the Scythian bowl holds with ease six
hundred amphorae, 1 and is of the thickness of
six fingers' breadth. The natives gave me the
following account of the manner in which it
was made. One of their kings, by name Arian-
tas, wishing to know the number of his sub-
jects, ordered them all to bring him, on pain
of death, the point off one ot their arrows.
They obeyed; and he collected thereby a vast
heap of arrow-heads, which he resolved to
form into a memorial that might go down to
posterity. Accordingly he made of them this
bowl, and dedicated it at Exampaeus. This was
all that I could learn concerning the number of
the Scythians.

82. The country has no marvels except its
rivers, which are larger and more numerous
than those of any other land. These, and the
vastness of the great plain, are worthy of note,
and one thing besides, which I am about to
mention. They show a footmark of Hercules,

x The Greek amphora (dju</>opeus) contained
nearly nine of our gallons; whence it appears that
this bowl would have held about 5400 gallons, or
above 85 hogsheads.

79-88]

THE HISTORY

139

impressed on a rock, in shape like the print of
a man's foot, but two cubits in length. It is in
the neighbourhood of the Tyras. Having de-
scribed this, I return to the subject on which I
originally proposed to discourse.

83. The preparations of Darius against the
Scythians had begun, messengers had been des-
patched on all sides with the king's commands,
some being required to furnish troops, others
to supply ships, others again to bridge the
Thracian Bosphorus, when Artabanus, son of
Hystaspes and brother of Darius, entreated the
king to desist from his expedition, urging on
him the great difficulty of attacking Scythia.
Good, however, as the advice of Artabanus
was, it failed to persuade Darius. He therefore
ceased his reasonings; and Darius, when his
preparations were complete, led his army forth
from Susa.

84. It was then that a certain Persian, by
name (Eobazus, the father of three sons, all of
whom were to accompany the army, came and
prayed the king that he would allow one of
his sons to remain with him. Darius made an-
swer, as if he regarded him in the light of a
friend who had urged a moderate request,
"that he would allow them all to remain." CEo-
bazus was overjoyed, expecting that all his chil-
dren would be excused from serving; the king,
however, bade his attendants take the three
sons of CEobazus and forthwith put them to
death. Thus they were all left behind, but not
till they had been deprived of life.

85. When Darius, on his march from Susa,
reached the territory of Chalcedon on the
shores of the Bosphorus, where the bridge had
been made, he took ship and sailed thence to
the Cyanean islands, which, according to the
Greeks, once floated. He took his seat also in
the temple and surveyed the Pontus, which is
indeed well worthy of consideration. There is
not in the world any other sea so wonderful:
it extends in length eleven thousand one hun-
dred furlongs, and its breadth, at the widest
part, is three thousand three hundred. The
mouth is but four furlongs wide; and this
strait, called the Bosphorus, and across which
the bridge of Darius had been thrown, is a hun-
dred and twenty furlongs in length, reaching
from the Euxine to the Propontis. The Pro-
pontis is five hundred furlongs across, and
fourteen hundred long. Its waters flow into the
Hellespont, the length of which is four hun-
dred furlongs, and the width no more than
seven. The Hellespont opens into the wide sea
called the Egean.

86. The mode in which these distances have
been measured is the following. In a long
day a vessel generally accomplishes about sev-
enty thousand fathoms, in the night sixty thou-
sand. Now from the mouth of the Pontus to
the river Phasis, which is the extreme length
of this sea, is a voyage of nine days and eight
nights, which makes the distance one million
one hundred and ten thousand fathoms, or
eleven thousand one hundred furlongs. Again,
from Sindica, to Themiscyra on the river Ther-
modon, where the Pontus is wider than at any
other place, is a sail of three days and two
nights; which makes three hundred and thirty
thousand fathoms, or three thousand three
hundred furlongs. Such is the plan on which I
have measured the Pontus, the Bosphorus, and
the Hellespont, and such is the account which
I have to give of them. The Pontus has also a
lake belonging to it, not very much inferior to
itself in size. The waters of this lake run into
the Pontus: it is called the Macotis, and also the
Mother of the Pontus.

87. Darius, after he had finished his survey,
sailed back to the bridge, which had been con-
structed for him by Mandrocles a Samian. He
likewise surveyed the Bosphorus, and erected
upon its shores two pillars of white marble,
whereupon he inscribed the names of all the
nations which formed his army on the one
pillar in Greek, on the other in Assyrian char-
acters. Now his army was drawn from all the
nations under his sway; and the whole amount,
without reckoning the naval forces, was seven
hundred thousand men, including cavalry.
The fleet consisted of six hundred ships. Some
time afterwards the Byzantines removed these
pillars to their own city, and used them for an
altar which they erected to Orthosian Diana.
One block remained behind: it lay near the
temple of Bacchus at Byzantium, and was cov-
ered with Assyrian writing. The spot where
Darius bridged the Bosphorus was, I think,
but I speak only from conjecture, half-way be-
tween the city of Byzantium and the temple at
the mouth of the strait.

88. Darius was so pleased with the bridge
thrown across the strait by the Samain Man-
drocles, that he not only bestowed upon him
all the customary presents, but gave him ten of
every kind. Mandrocles, by the way of offer-
ing first-fruits from these presents, caused a pic-
ture to be painted which showed the whole of
the bridge, with King Darius sitting in a seat-
of honour, and his army engaged in the pas-
sage. This painting he dedicated in the temple,

140

HERODOTUS

[BOOK iv

of Juno at Samos, attaching to it the inscription

following:

The fish-fraught Bosphorus bridged, to funo's fane

Did Mandrocles this proud memorial bring;
When for himself a crown he'd styll to gain,

For Samos praise, contenting the Great King.
Such was the memorial of his work which was
left by the architect of the bridge.

89. Darius, after rewarding Mandrocles,
passed into Europe, while he ordered the loni-
ans to enter the Pontus, and sail to the mouth
of the Ister. There he bade them throw a
bridge across the stream and await his coming.
The lonians, ^Eolians, and Hellespontians
were the nations which furnished the chief
strength of his navy. So the fleet, threading the
Cyanean Isles, proceeded straight to the Ister,
and, mounting the river to the point where its
channels separate, a distance of two days' voy-
age from the sea, yoked the neck of the stream.
Meantime Darius, who had crossed the Bos-
phorus by the bridge over it, marched through
Thrace; and happening upon the sources of the
Tearus, pitched his camp and made a stay of
three days.

90. Now the Tearus is said by those who
dwell near it, to be the most healthful of all
streams, and to cure, among other diseases, the
scab either in man or beast. Its sources, which
are eight and thirty in number, all flowing
from the same rock, are in part cold, in part
hot. They lie at an equal distance from the
town of Heraeum near Perinthus, and Apol-
lonia on the Euxine, a two days' journey from
each. This river, the Tearus, is a tributary of
the Contadesdus, which runs into the Agri-
anes, and that into the Hebrus. The Hebrus
empties itself into the sea near the city of

91. Here then, on the banks of the Tearus,
Darius stopped and pitched his camp. The riv-
er charmed him so, that he caused a pillar to
be erected in this place also, with an inscrip-
tion to the following effect: "The fountains of
the Tearus afford the best and most beautiful
water of all rivers: they were visited, on his
march into Scythia, by the best and most beau-
tiful of men, Darius, son of Hystaspes, king of
the Persians, and of the whole continent."
Such was the inscription which he set up at
this place.

92. Marching thence, he came to a second
river, called the Artiscus, which flows through
the country of the Odrysians. Here he fixed
upon a certain spot, where every one of his
soldiers should throw a stone as he passed by.

When his orders were obeyed, Darius contin-
ued his march, leaving behind him great hills
formed of the stones cast by his troops.

93. Before arriving at the Ister, the first peo-
ple whom he subdued were the Getac, who be-
lieve in their immortality. The Thracians of
Salmydessus, and those who dwelt above the
cities of Apollonia and Mesembria the Scyr-
miadae and Nipsaeans, as they are called gave
themselves up to Darius without a struggle;
but the Getac obstinately defending themselves,
were forthwith enslaved, notwithstanding that
they are the noblest as well as the most just of
all the Thracian. tribes.

94. The belief of the Getae in respect of im-
mortality is the following. They think that
they do not really die, but that when they de-
part this life they go to Zalmoxis, who is called
also Gebeleizis by some among them. To this
god every five years they send a messenger,
who is chosen by lot out of the whole nation,
and charged to bear him their several requests.
Their mode of sending him is this. A number
of them stand in order, each holding in his
hand three darts; others take the man who is
to be sent to Zalmoxis, and swinging him by
his hands and feet, toss him into the air so that
he falls upon the points of the weapons. If he is
pierced and dies, they think that the god is pro-
pitious to them; but if not, they lay the fault on
the messenger, who (they say) is a wicked
man: and so they choose another to send away.
The messages are given while the man is still
alive. This same people, when it lightens and
thunders, aim their arrows at the sky, uttering
threats against the god; and they do not believe
that there is any god but their own.

95. I am told by the Greeks who dwell on
the shores of the Hellespont and the Pontus,
that this Zalmoxis was in reality a man, that he
lived at Samos, and while there was the slave
of Pythagoras son of Mnesarchus. After ob-
taining his freedom he grew rich, and leaving
Samos, returned to his own country. The
Thracians at that time lived in a wretched way,
and were a poor ignorant race; Zalmoxis,
therefore, who by his commerce with the
Greeks, and especially with one who was by
no means their most contemptible philosopher,
Pythagoras to wit, was acquainted with the
Ionic mode of life and with manners more re-
fined than those current among his country-
men, had a chamber built, in which from time
to time he received and feasted all the princi-
pal Thracians, using the occasion to teach them
that neither he, nor they, his boon companions,

THE HISTORY

141

nor any of their posterity would ever perish,
but that they would all go to a place where
they would live for aye in the enjoyment of
every conceivable good. While he was acting in
this way, and holding this kind of discourse,
he was constructing an apartment under-
ground, into which, when it was completed, he
withdrew, vanishing suddenly from the eyes of
the Thracians, who greatly regretted his loss,
and mourned over him as one dead. He mean-
while abode in his secret chamber three full
years, after which he came forth from his con-
cealment, and showed himself once more to his
countrymen, who were thus brought to believe
in the truth of what he had taught them. Such
is the account of the Greeks.

96. I for my part neither put entire faith in
this story of Zalmoxis and his underground
chamber, nor do I altogether discredit it: but I
believe Zalmoxis to have lived long before the
time of Pythagoras. Whether there was ever
really a man of the name, or whether Zalmoxis
is nothing but a native god of the Getae, I now
bid him farewell. As for the Gctae themselves,
the people who observe the practices described
above, they were now reduced by the Persians,
and accompanied the army of Darius.

97. When Darius, with his land forces,
reached the Ister, he made his troops cross the
stream, and after all were gone over gave or-
ders to the lonians to break the bridge, and fol-
low him with the whole naval force in his
land march. They were about to obey his com-
mand, when the general of the Mytilenaeans,
Goes son of Erxander, having first asked
whether it was agreeable to the king to listen
to one who wished to speak his mind, ad-
dressed him in the words following: "Thou
art about, Sire, to attack a country no part of
which is cultivated, and wherein there is not a
single inhabited city. Keep this bridge, then, as
it is, and leave those who built it to watch over
it. So if we come up with the Scythians and
succeed against them as we could wish, we
may return by this route; or if we fail of find-
ing them, our retreat will still be secure. For I
have no fear lest the Scythians defeat us in
battle, but my dread is lest we be unable to dis-
cover them, and suffer loss while we wander
about their territory. And now, mayhap, it
will be said, I advise thee thus in the hope of
being myself allowed to remain behind; but in
truth I have no other design than to recom-
mend the course which seems to me the best;
nor will I consent to be among those left be-
hind, but my resolve is, in any case, to follow

thcc." The advice of Goes pleased Darius high-
ly, who thus replied to him: "Dear Lesbian,
when I am safe home again in my palace, be
sure thou come to me, and with good deeds
will I recompense thy good words of to-day."

98. Having so said, the king took a leathern
thong, and tying sixty knots in it, called to-
gether the Ionian tyrants, and spoke thus to
them : "Men of Ionia, my former commands
to you concerning the bridge are now with-
drawn. See, here is a thong: take it, and ob-
serve my bidding with respect to it. From the
time that I leave you to march forward into
Scythia, untie every day one of the knots. If I
do not return before the last day to which the
knots will hold out, then leave your station,
and sail to your several homes. Meanwhile, un-
derstand that my resolve is changed, and that
you are to guard the bridge with all care, and
watch over its safety and preservation. By so
doing ye will oblige me greatly." When Darius
had thus spoken, he set out on his march with
all speed.

99. Before you come to Scythia, on the sea
coast, lies Thrace. The land here makes a
sweep, and then Scythia begins, the Ister fall-
ing into the sea at this point with its mouth
facing the east. Starting from the Ister I shall
now describe the measurements of the sea-
shore of Scythia. Immediately that the Ister is
crossed, Old Scythia begins, and continues as
far as the city called Carcinitis, fronting to-
wards the south wind and the mid-day. Here
upon the same sea, there lies a mountainous
tract projecting into the Pontus, which is in-
habited by the Tauri, as far as what is called
the Rugged Chersonese, which runs out into
the sea upon the east. For the boundaries of
Scythia extend on two sides to two different
seas, one upon the south, and the other to-
wards the east, as is also the case with Attica.
And the Tauri occupy a position in Scythia
like that which a people would hold in Attica,
who, being foreigners and not Athenians,
should inhabit the high land of Sunium, from
Thoricus to the township of Anaphlystus, if
this tract projected into the sea somewhat fur-
ther than it does. Such, to compare great things
with small, is the Tauric territory. For the sake
of those who may not have made the voyage
round these parts of Attica, I will illustrate in
another way. It is as if in lapygia a line were
drawn from Port Brundusium to Tarcntum,
and a people different from the lapygians in-
habited the promontory. These two instances
may suggest a number of others where the

142

HERODOTUS

shape of the land closely resembles that of
Taurica.

100. Beyond this tract, we find the Scyth-
ians again in possession of the country above
the Tauri and the parts bordering on the east-
ern sea, as also of the whole district lying west
of the Cimmerian Bosphorus and the Palus
Maeotis, as far as the river Tanais, which emp-
ties itself into that lake at its upper end. As for
the inland boundaries of Scythia, if we start
from the Ister, we find it enclosed by the fol-
lowing tribes, first the Agathyrsi, next the
Neuri, then the Androphagi, and last of all, the
Melanchlaeni.

101. Scythia then, which is square in shape,
and has two of its sides reaching down to the
sea, extends inland to the same distance that it
stretches along the coast, and is equal every
way. For it is a ten days' journey from the Ister
to the Borysthenes, and ten more from the
Borysthenes to the Palus Maeotis, while the
distance from the coast inland to the country
of the Melanchkeni, who dwell above Scythia,
is a journey of twenty days. I reckon the day's
journey at two hundred furlongs. Thus the two
sides which run straight inland are four thou-
sand furlongs each, and the transverse sides at
right angles to these are also of the same
length, which gives the full size of Scythia.

102. The Scythians, reflecting on their situa-
tion, perceived that they were not strong
enough by themselves to contend with the
army of Darius in open fight. They, therefore,
sent envoys to the neighbouring nations, whose
kings had already met, and were in consulta-
tion upon the advance of so vast a host. Now
they who had come together were the kings of
the Tauri, the Agathyrsi, the Neuri, the An-
drophagi, the Melanchlaeni, the Geloni, the
Budini, and the Sauromatae.

103. The Tauri have the following customs.
They offer in sacrifice to the Virgin all ship-
wrecked persons, and all Greeks compelled to
put into their ports by stress of weather. The
mode of sacrifice is this. After the preparatory
ceremonies, they strike the victim on the head
with a club. Then, according to some accounts,
they hurl the trunk from the precipice where-
on the temple stands, and nail the head to a
cross. Others grant that the head is treated in
this way, but deny that the body is thrown
down the cliff on the contrary, they say, it is
buried. The goddess to whom these sacrifices
are offered the Tauri themselves declare to be
Iphigenia the daughter of Agamemnon. When
they take prisoners in war they treat them in

[BooK iv

the following way. The man who has taken a
captive cuts off his head, and carrying it to his
home, fixes it upon a tall pole, which he ele-
vates above his house, most commonly over the
chimney. The reason that the heads are set up
so high, is (it is said) in order that the whole
house may be under their protection. These
people live entirely by war and plundering.

104. The Agathyrsi are a race of men very
luxurious, and very fond of wearing gold on
their persons. They have wives in common,
that so they may be all brothers, and, as mem-
bers of one family, may neither envy nor hate
one another. In other respects their customs ap-
proach nearly to those of the Thracians.

105. The Neurian customs are like the
Scythian. One generation before the attack of
Darius they were driven from their land by a
huge multitude of serpents which invaded
them. Of these some were produced in their
own country, while others, and those by far the
greater number, came in from the deserts on
the north. Suffering grievously beneath this
scourge, they quitted their homes, and took
refuge with the Budini. It seems that these peo-
ple are conjurers: for both the Scythians and
the Greeks who dwell in Scythia say that every
Neurian once a year becomes a wolf for a few
days, at the end of which time he is restored to
his proper shape. Not that I believe this, but
they constantly affirm it to be true, and are
even ready to back their assertion with an oath.

1 06. The manners of the Androphagi 1 are
more savage than those of any other race. They
neither observe justice, nor are governed by
any laws. They are nomads, and their dress is
Scythian; but the language which they speak
is peculiar to themselves. Unlike any other na-
tion in these parts, they are cannibals.

107. The Melanchlaeni 2 wear, all of them,
black cloaks, and from this derive the name
which they bear. Their customs are Scythic.

1 08. The Budini are a large and powerful
nation: they have all deep blue eyes, and bright
red hair. There is a city in their territory, called
Gelonus, which is surrounded with a lofty
wall, thirty furlongs each way, built entirely of
wood. All the houses in the place and all the
temples are of the same material. Here are
temples built in honour of the Grecian gods,
and adorned after the Greek fashion with im-
ages, altars, and shrines, all in wood. There is
even a festival, held every third year in hon-
our of Bacchus, at which the natives fall into

1 Or "Men-eaters."

2 Or "Black-cloaks."

100-114]

THE HISTORY

143

the Bacchic fury. For the fact is that the Gcl-
oni were anciently Greeks, who, being driven
out of the factories along the coast, fled to the
Budini and took up their abode with them.
They still speak a language half Greek, half
Scythian.

109. The Budini, however, do not speak the
same language as the Geloni, nor is their mode
of life the same. They are the aboriginal peo-
ple of the country, and are nomads; unlike any
of the neighbouring races, they eat lice. The
Geloni, on the contrary, are tillers of the soil,
eat bread, have gardens, and both in shape and
complexion are quite different from the Bu-
dini. The Greeks notwithstanding call these
latter Geloni; but it is a mistake to give them
the name. Their country is thickly planted
with trees of all manner of kinds. In the very
woodiest part is a broad deep lake, surrounded
by marshy ground with reeds growing on it.
Here otters are caught, and beavers, with an-
other sort of animal which has a square face.
With the skins of this last the natives border
their capotes: and they also get from them a
remedy, which is of virtue in diseases of the
womb.

no. It is reported of the Sauromatx, that
when the Greeks fought with the Amazons,
whom the Scythians call Oior-pata or "man-
slayers," as it may be rendered, Oior being
Scythic for "man," and pata for "to slay" it is
reported, I say, that the Greeks after gaining
the battle of the Thermodon, put to sea, taking
with them on board three of their vessels all the
Amazons whom they had made prisoners; and
that these women upon the voyage rose up
against the crews, and massacred them to a
man. As however they were quite strange to
ships, and did not know how to use either rud-
der, sails, or oars, they were carried, after the
death of the men, where the winds and the
waves listed. At last they reached the shores of
the Palus Maeotis and came to a place called
Cremni or "the Cliffs," which is in the country
of the free Scythians. Here they went ashore,
and proceeded by land towards the inhabited
regions; the first herd of horses which they fell
in with they seized, and mounting upon their
backs, fell to plundering the Scythian terri-
tory.

in. The Scyths could not tell what to make
of the attack upon them the dress, the lan-
guage, the nation itself, were alike unknown
whence the enemy had come even, was a
marvel. Imagining, however, that they were all
men of about the same age, they went out

against them, and fought a battle. Some of the
bodies of the slain fell into their hands, where-
by they discovered the truth. Hereupon they
deliberated, and made a resolve to kill no more
of them, but to send against them a detach-
ment of their youngest men, as near as they
could guess equal to the women in number,
with orders to encamp in their neighbourhood,
and do as they saw them do when the Ama-
zons advanced against them, they were to re-
tire, and avoid a fight when they halted, the
young men were to approach and pitch their
camp near the camp of the enemy. All this they
did on account of their strong desire to obtain
children from so notable a race.

1 12. So the youths departed, and obeyed the
orders which had been given them. The Ama-
zons soon found out that they had not come to
do them any harm; and so they on their part
ceased to offer the Scythians any molestation.
And now day after day the camps approached
nearer to one another; both parties led the same
life, neither having anything but their arms
and horses, so that they were forced to support
themselves by hunting and pillage.

113. At last an incident brought two of them
together the man easily gained the good
graces of the woman, who bade him by signs
(for they did not understand each other's lan-
guage) to bring a friend the next day to the
spot where they had met promising on her
part to bring with her another woman. He did
so, and the woman kept her word. When the
rest of the youths heard what had taken place,
they also sought and gained the favour of the
other Amazons.

114. The two camps were then joined in
one, the Scythians living with the Amazons as
their wives; and the men were unable to learn
the tongue of the women, but the women soon
caught up the tongue of the men. When they
could thus understand one another, the Scyths
addressed the Amazons in these words "We
have parents, and properties, let us therefore
give up this mode of life, and return to our na-
tion, and live with them. You shall be our
wives there no less than here, and we promise
you to have no others." But the Amazons said
"We could not live with your women our
customs are quite different from theirs. To
draw the bow, to hurl the javelin, to bestride
the horse, these are our arts of womanly em-
ployments we know nothing. Your women, on
the contrary, do none of these things; but stay
at home in their waggons, engaged in woman-
ish tasks, and never go out to hunt, or to do

144

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK iv

anything. We should never agree together. But
if you truly wish to keep us as your wives, and
would conduct yourselves with strict justice
towards us, go you home to your parents, bid
them give you your inheritance, and then come
back to us, and let us and you live together by
ourselves."

115. The youths approved of the advice, and
followed it. They went and got the portion of
goods which fell to them, returned with it, and
rejoined their wives, who then addressed them
in these words following: "We are ashamed,
and afraid to live in the country where we now
are. Not only have we stolen you from your
fathers, but we have done great damage to
Scythia by our ravages. As you like us for
wives, grant the request we make of you. Let
us leave this country together, and go and
dwell beyond the Tanais." Again the youths
complied.

116. Crossing the Tanais they journeyed
eastward a distance of three days' march from
that stream, and again northward a distance of
three days' march from the Palus Maeotis. Here
they came to the country where they now live,
and took up their abode in it. The women of
the Sauromatac have continued from that day
to the present to observe their ancient customs,
frequently hunting on horseback with their
husbands, sometimes even unaccompanied; in
war taking the field; and wearing the very
same dress as the men.

117. The Sauromatae speak the language of
Scythia, but have never talked it correctly, be-
cause the Amazons learnt it imperfectly at the
first. Their marriage-law lays it down that no
girl shall wed till she has killed a man in bat-
tle. Sometimes it happens that a woman dies
unmarried at an advanced age, having never
been able in her whole lifetime to fulfil the
condition.

1 1 8. The envoys of the Scythians, on being
introduced into the presence of the kings of
these nations, who were assembled to deliber-
ate, made it known to them that the Persian,
after subduing the whole of the other conti-
nent, had thrown a bridge over the strait of the
Bosphorus, and crossed into the continent of
Europe, where he had reduced the Thracians,
and was now making a bridge over the Ister,
his aim being to bring under his sway all Eu-
rope also. "Stand ye not aloof then from this
contest," they went on to say, "look not on
tamely while we arc perishing but make
common cause with us, and together let us
meet the enemy. If ye refuse, we must yield to

the pressure, and either quit our country, or
make terms with the invaders. For what else is
left for us to do, if your aid be withheld from
us? The blow, be sure, will not light on you
more gently upon this account. The Persian
comes against you no less than against us: and
will not be content, after we are conquered, to
leave you in peace. We can bring strong proof
of what we here advance. Had the Persian
leader indeed come to avenge the wrongs
which he suffered at our hands when we en-
slaved his people, and to war on us only, he
would have been bound to march straight
upon Scythia, without molesting any nation by
the way. Then it would have been plain to all
that Scythia alone was aimed at. But now,
what has his conduct been ? From the moment
of his entrance into Europe, he has subjugated
without exception every nation that lay in his
path. All the tribes of the Thracians have been
brought under his sway, and among them even
our next neighbours, the Gttx"

119. The assembled princes of the nations,
after hearing all that the Scythians had to say,
deliberated. At the end opinion was divided
the kings of the Geloni, Budmi, and Sauro-
mata were of accord, and pledged themselves
to give assistance to the Scythians; but the Aga-
thyrsian and Neurian princes, together with
the sovereigns of the Androphagi, the Melan-
chlaeni, and the Tauri, replied to their request
as follows: "If you had not been the first to
wrong the Persians, and begin the war, we
should have thought the request you make
just; we should then have complied with your
wishes, and joined our arms with yours. Now,
however, the case stands thus you, indepen-
dently of us, invaded the land of the Persians,
and so long as God gave you the power, lorded
it over them: raised up now by the same God,
they are come to do to you the like. We, on
our part, did no wrong to these men in the for-
mer war, and will not be the first to commit
wrong now. If they invade our land, and be-
gin aggressions upon us, we will not suffer
them; but, till we see this come to pass, we will
remain at home. For we believe that the Per-
sians are not come to attack us, but to punish
those who are guilty of first injuring them."

120. When this reply reached the Scythians,
they resolved, as the neighbouring nations re-
fused their alliance, that they would not openly
venture on any pitched battle with the enemy,
but would retire before them, driving off their
herds, choking up all the wells and springs as
they retreated, and leaving the whole country

115-125]

THE HISTORY

145

bare of forage. They divided themselves into
three bands, one of which, namely, that com-
manded by Scopasis, it was agreed should be
joined by the Sauromatae, and if the Persians
advanced in the direction of the Tanais, should
retreat along the shores of the Palus Maeotis
and make for that river; while if the Persians
retired, they should at once pursue and harass
them. The two other divisions, the principal
one under the command of Idanthyrsus, and
the third, of which Taxacis was king, were to
unite in one, and, joined by the detachments of
the Geloni and Budini, were, like the others, to
keep at the distance of a day's march from the
Persians, falling back as they advanced, and
doing the same as the others. And first, they
were to take the direction of the nations which
had refused to join the alliance, and were to
draw the war upon them: that so, if they would
not of their own free will engage in the con-
test, they might by these means be forced into
it. Afterwards, it was agreed that they should
retire into their own land, and, should it on de-
liberation appear to them expedient, join battle
with the enemy.

121. When these measures had been deter-
mined on, the Scythians went out to meet the
army of Darius, sending on in front as scouts
the fleetest of their horsemen. Their waggons,
wherein their women and their children lived,
and all their cattle, except such a number as
was wanted for food, which they kept with
them, were made to precede them in their re-
treat, and departed, with orders to keep march-
ing, without change of course, to the north.

122. The scouts of the Scythians found the
Persian host advanced three days' march from
the Istcr, and immediately took the lead of
them at the distance of a day's march, encamp-
ing from time to time, and destroying all that
grew on the ground. The Persians no sooner
caught sight of the Scythian horse than they
pursued upon their track, while the enemy re-
tired before them. The pursuit of the Persians
was directed towards the single division of the
Scythian army, and thus their line of march
was eastward toward the Tanais. The Scyths
crossed the river, and the Persians after them,
still in pursuit. In this way they passed through
the country of the Sauromatae, and entered
that of the Budini.

123. As long as the march of the Persian
army lay through the countries of the Scythians
and Sauromata?, there was nothing which they
could damage, the land being waste and bar-
ren; but on entering the territories of the Bu-

dini, they came upon the wooden fortress above
mentioned, which was deserted by its inhabi-
tants and left quite empty of everything. This
place they burnt to the ground; and having so
done, again pressed forward on the track of the
retreating Scythians, till, having passed
through the entire country of the Budini, they
reached the desert, which has no inhabitants,
and extends a distance of seven days' journey
above the Budmian territory. Beyond this des-
ert dwell the Thyssagetse, out of whose land
four great streams flow. These rivers all tra-
verse the country of the Maeotians, and fall into
the Palus Maeotis. Their names are the Lycus,
the Oarus, the Tanais, and the Syrgis.

124. When Darius reached the desert, he
paused from his pursuit, and halted his army
upon the Oarus. Here he built eight large forts,
at an equal distance from one another, sixty
furlongs apart or thereabouts, the ruins of
which were still remaining in my day. During
the time that he was so occupied, the Scythians
whom he had been following made a circuit
by the higher regions, and re-entered Scythia.
On their complete disappearance, Darius, see-
ing nothing more of them, left his forts half
finished, and returned towards the west. He
imagined that the Scythians whom he had
seen were the entire nation, and that they had
fled in that direction.

125. He now quickened his march, and
entering Scythia, fell in with the two com-
bined divisions of the Scythian army, and in-
stantly gave them chase. They kept to their
plan of retreating before him at the distance of
a day's march; and, he still following them
hotly, they led him, as had been previously
settled, into the territories of the nations that
had refused to become their allies, and first of
all into the country of the Melanchlaeni. Great
disturbance was caused among this people by
the invasion of the Scyths first, and then of the
Persians. So, having harassed them after this
sort, the Scythians led the way into the land of
the Androphagi, with the same result as be-
fore; and thence passed onwards into Neuris,
where their coming likewise spread dismay
among the inhabitants. Still retreating they ap-
proached the Aga thyrsi; but this people, which
had witnessed the flight and terror of their
neighbours, did not wait for the Scyths to in-
vade them, but sent a herald to forbid them to
cross their borders, and to forewarn them,
that, if they made the attempt, it would be re-
sisted by force of arms. The Agathyrsi then
proceeded to the frontier, to defend their coun-

146

HERODOTUS

try against the invaders. As for the other na-
tions, the Melanchlaeni, the Androphagi, and
the Neuri, instead of defending themselves,
when the Scyths and Persians overran their
lands, they forgot their threats and fled away
in confusion to the deserts lying towards the
north. The Scythians, when the Agathyrsi for-
bade them to enter their country, refrained;
and led the Persians back from the Neurian
district into their own land.

126. This had gone on so long, and seemed
so interminable, that Darius at last sent a horse-
man to Idanthyrsus, the Scythian king, with
the following message: "Thou strange man,
why dost thou keep on flying before me, when
there are two things thou mightest do so eas-
ily? If thou deemest thyself able to resist my
arms, cease thy wanderings and come, let us
engage in battle. Or if thou art conscious that
my strength is greater than thine even so
thou shouldest cease to run away thou hast
but to bring thy lord earth and water, and to
come at once to a conference."

127. To this message Idanthyrsus, the Scyth-
ian king, replied: "This is my way, Persian.
I never fear men or fly from them. I have not
done so in times past, nor do I now fly from
thce, There is nothing new or strange in what
I do; I only follow my common mode of life in
peaceful years. Now I will tell thee why I do
not at once join battle with thee. We Scythians
have neither towns nor cultivated lands, which
might induce us, through fear of their being
taken or ravaged, to be in any hurry to fight
with you. If, however, you must needs come to
blows with us speedily, look you now, there
are our fathers' tombs seek them out, and
attempt to meddle with them then ye shall
see whether or no we will fight with you. Till
ye do this, be sure we shall not join battle, un-
less it pleases us. This is my answer to the chal-
lenge to fight. As for lords, I acknowledge only
Jove my ancestor, and Vesta, the Scythian
queen. Earth and water, the tribute thou
iskedst, I do not send, but thou shalt soon re-
vive more suitable gifts. Last of all, in return
For thy calling thyself my lord, I say to thee,
Go weep.' " (This is what men mean by the
Scythian mode of speech.) So the herald de-
parted, bearing this message to Darius.

128. When the Scythian kings heard the
lame of slavery they were filled with rage, and
despatched the division under Scopasis to
vhich the Sauromatae were joined, with orders
hat they should seek a conference with the
onians, who had been left at the Ister to guard

[BooK iv

the bridge. Meanwhile the Scythians who re-
mained behind resolved no longer to lead the
Persians hither and thither about their coun-
try, but to fall upon them whenever they
should be at their meals. So they waited till
such times, and then did as they had deter-
mined. In these combats the Scythian horse
always put to flight the horse of the enemy;
these last, however, when routed, fell back
upon their foot, who never 'failed to afford
them support; while the Scythians, on their
side, as soon as they had driven the horse in,
retired again, for fear of the foot. By night too
the Scythians made many similar attacks.

129. There was one very strange thing
which greatly advantaged the Persians, and
was of equal disservice to the Scyths, in these
assaults on the Persian camp. This was the
braying of the asses and the appearance of the
mules. For, as I observed before, the land of the
Scythians produces neither ass nor mule, and
contains no single specimen of either animal,
by reason of the cold. So, when the asses
brayed, they frightened the Scythian cavalry;
and often, in the middle of a charge, the
horses, hearing the noise made by the asses,
would take fright and wheel round, pricking
up their ears, and showing astonishment. This
was owing to their having never heard the
noise, or seen the form, of the animal before:
and it was not without some little influence on
the progress of the war.

130. The Scythians, when they perceived
signs that the Persians were becoming alarmed,
took steps to induce them not to quit Scythia,
in the hope, if they stayed, of inflicting on
them the greater injury, when their supplies
should altogether fail. To effect this, they
would leave some of their cattle exposed with
the herdsmen, while they themselves moved
away to a distance: the Persians would make a
foray, and take the beasts, whereupon they
would be highly elated.

131. This they did several times, until at
last Darius was at his wits' end; hereon the
Scythian princes, understanding how matters
stood, despatched a herald to the Persian camp
with presents for the king: these were, a bird,
a mouse, a frog, and five arrows. The Persians
asked the bearer to tell them what these gifts
might mean, but he made answer that he had
no orders except to deliver them, and re-
turn again with all speed. If the Persians were
wise, he added, they would find out the mean-
ing for themselves. So when they heard this,
they held a council to consider the matter.

126-136]

THE HISTORY

147

132. Darius gave it as his opinion that the
Scyths intended a surrender of themselves and
their country, both land and water, into his
hands. This he conceived to be the meaning of
the gifts, because the mouse is an inhabitant of
the earth, and eats the same food as man, while
the frog passes his life in the water; the bird
bears a great resemblance to the horse, and the
arrows might signify the surrender of all their
power. To the explanation of Darius, Gobryas,
one of the seven conspirators against the Ma-
gus, opposed another which was as follows:
"Unless, Persians, ye can turn into birds and
fly up into the sky, or become mice and bur-
row under the ground, or make yourselves
frogs, and take refuge in the fens, ye will never
make escape from this land, but die pierced by
our arrows." Such were the meanings which
the Persians assigned to the gifts.

133. The single division of the Scyths, which
in the early part of the war had been appoint-
ed to keep guard about the Palus Maeotis, and
had now been sent to get speech of the lonians
stationed at the Ister, addressed them, on
reaching the bridge, in these words "Men of
Ionia, we bring you freedom, if ye will only do
as we recommend. Darius, we understand, en-
joined you to keep your guard here at this
bridge just sixty days; then, if he did not ap-
pear, you were to return home. Now, there-
fore, act so as to be free from blame, alike in
his sight, and in ours. Tarry here the appointed
time, and at the end go your ways." Having
said this, and received a promise from the
lonians to do as they desired, the Scythians
hastened back with all possible speed.

134. After the sending of the gifts to Dari-
us, the part of the Scythian army which had
not marched to the Ister, drew out in battle
array horse and foot against the Persians, and
seemed about to come to an engagement. But
as they stood in battle array, it chanced that a
hare started up between them and the Per-
sians, and set to running; when immediately
all the Scyths who saw it, rushed of! in pur-
suit, with great confusion and loud cries and
shouts. Darius, hearing the noise, inquired the
cause of it, and was told that the Scythians
were all engaged in hunting a hare. On this
he turned to those with whom he was wont to
converse, and said: "These men do indeed
despise us utterly: and now I see that Gobryas
was right about the Scythian gifts. As, there-
fore, his opinion is now mine likewise, it is
time we form some wise plan, whereby we
may secure ourselves a safe return to our

homes." "Ah! sire," Gobryas rejoined, "I was
well nigh sure, ere I came here, that this was
an impracticable race since our coming I am
yet more convinced of it, especially now that I
see them making game of us. My advice is,
therefore, that, when night falls, we light our
fires as we are wont to do at other times, and
leaving behind us on some pretext that portion
of our army which is weak and unequal to
hardship, taking care also to leave our asses
tethered, retreat from Scythia, before our foes
march forward to the Ister and destroy the
bridge, or the lonians come to any resolution
which may lead to our ruin."

135. So Gobryas advised; and when night
came, Darius followed his counsel, and leaving
his sick soldiers, and those whose loss would be
of least account, with the asses also tethered
about the camp, marched away. The asses were
left that their noise might be heard: the men,
really because they were sick and useless, but
under the pretence that he was about to fall
upon the Scythians with the flower of his
troops, and that they meanwhile were to guard
his camp for him. Having thus declared his
plans to the men whom he was deserting, and
having caused the fires to be lighted, Darius set
forth, and marched hastily towards the Ister.
The asses, aware of the departure of the host,
brayed louder than ever; and the Scythians,
hearing the sound, entertained no doubt of the
Persians being still in the same place.

136. When day dawned, the men who had
been left behind, perceiving that they were be-
trayed by Darius, stretched out their hands
towards the Scythians, and spoke as befitted
their situation. The enemy no sooner heard,
than they quickly joined all their troops in one,
and both portions of the Scythian army
alike that which consisted of a single division,
and that made up of two accompanied by all
their allies, the Sauromatae, the Budini, and the
Geloni, set off in pursuit, and made straight
for the Ister. As, however, the Persian army
was chiefly foot, and had no knowledge of the
routes, which are not cut out in Scythia; while
the Scyths were all horsemen and well ac-
quainted with the shortest way; it so happened
that the two armies missed one another, and
the Scythians, getting far ahead of their adver-
saries, came first to the bridge. Finding that the
Persians were not yet arrived, they addressed
the lonians, who were aboard their ships, in
these words: "Men of Ionia, the number of
your days is out, and ye do wrong to remain.
Fear doubtless has kept you here hitherto:

148

HERODOTUS

[BooK iv

now, however, you may safely break the bridge,
and hasten back to your homes, rejoicing that
you are free, and thanking for it the gods and
the Scythians. Your former lord and master
we undertake so to handle, that he will never
again make war upon any one."

137. The lonians now held a council. Miltia-
des the Athenian, who was king of the Cherso-
nesites upon the Hellespont, and their com-
mander at the Ister, recommended the other
generals to do as the Scythians wished, and re-
store freedom to Ionia. But Histiaeus the Mile-
sian opposed this advice. "It is through Dari-
us," he said, "that we enjoy our thrones in our
several states. If his power be overturned, I
cannot continue lord of Miletus, nor ye of your
cities. For there is not one of them which will
not prefer democracy to kingly rule." Then the
other captains, who, till Histiaeus spoke, were
about to vote with Miltiades, changed their
minds, and declared in favour of the last
speaker.

138. The following were the voters on this
occasion all of them men who stood high in
the esteem of the Persian king: the tyrants of
the Hellespont Daphnis of Abydos, Hippoc-
lus of Lampsacus, Herophantus of Parium,
Metrodorus of Proconnesus, Aristagoras of
Cyzicus, and Ariston of Byzantium; the Ionian
princes Strattis of Chios, ^Laces of Samos,
Laodamas of Phocaea, and Histiaeus of Miletus,
the man who had opposed Miltiades. Only one
yEolian of note was present, to wit, Aristagoras
of Cyme.

139. Having resolved to follow the advice of
Histiaeus, the Greek leaders further deter-
mined to speak and act as follows. In order to
appear to the Scythians to be doing something,
when in fact they were doing nothing of con-
sequence, and likewise to prevent them from
forcing a passage across the Ister by the bridge,
they resolved to break up the part of the bridge
which abutted on Scythia, to the distance of a
bowshot from the river bank; and to assure
the Scythians, while the demolition was pro-
ceeding, that there was nothing which they
would not do to pleasure them. Such were the
additions made to the resolution of Histiaeus;
and then Histiarus himself stood forth and
made answer to the Scyths in the name of all
the Greeks: "Good is the advice which yc
have brought us, Scythians, and well have ye
done to come here with such speed. Your ef-
forts have now put us into the right path; and
our efforts shall not be wanting to advance
your cause. Your own eyes see that we are en-

gaged in breaking the bridge; and, believe us,
we will work zealously to procure our own
freedom. Meantime, while we labour here at
our task, be it your business to seek them out,
and, when found, for our sakes, as well as your
own, to visit them with the vengeance which
they so well deserve."

140. Again the Scyths put faith in the prom-
ises of the Ionian chiefs, and retraced their
steps, hoping to fall in with the Persians. They
missed, however, the enemy's whole line of
march; their own former acts being to blame
for it. Had they not ravaged all the pasturages
of that region, and filled in all the wells, they
would have easily found the Persians when-
ever they chose. But, as it turned out, the
measures which seemed to them so wisely
planned were exactly what caused their failure.
They took a route where water was to be found
and fodder could be got for their horses, and
on this track sought their adversaries, expect-
ing that they too would retreat through regions
where these things were to be obtained. The
Persians, however, kept strictly to the line of
their former march, never for a moment de-
parting from it; and even so gained the bridge
with difficulty. It was night when they arrived,
and their terror, when they found the bridge
broken up, was great; for they thought that
perhaps the lonians had deserted them.

141. Now there was in the army of Darius a
certain man, an Egyptian, who had a louder
voice than any other man in the world. This
person was bid by Darius to stand at the water's
edge, and call Histiaeus the Milesian. The fel-
low did as he was bid; and Histiaeus, hearing
him at the very first summons, brought the
fleet to assist in conveying the army across, and
once more made good the bridge.

142. By these means the Persians escaped
from Scythia, while the Scyths sought for them
in vain, again missing their track. And hence
the Scythians are accustomed to say of the
lonians, by way of reproach, that, if they be
looked upon as freemen, they are the basest
and most dastardly of all mankind but if they
be considered as under servitude, they are the
faithfullest of slaves, and the most fondly at-
tached to their lords.

143. Darius, having passed through Thrace,
reached Sestos in the Chersonese, whence he
crossed by the help of his fleet into Asia, leav-
ing a Persian, named Megabazus, commander
on the European side. This was the man on
whom Darius once conferred special honour
by a compliment which he paid him before all

137-148]

THE HISTORY

149

the Persians. He was about to eat some pome-
granates, and had opened the first, when his
brother Artabanus asked him "what he would
like to have in as great plenty as the seeds of
the pomegranate?'* Darius answered "Had I
as many men like Megabazus as there are seeds
here, it would please me better than to be lord
of Greece." Such was the compliment where-
with Darius honoured the general to whom at
this time he gave the command of the troops
left in Europe, amounting in all to some eighty
thousand men.

144. This same Megabazus got himself an
undying remembrance among the Hellespon-
tians, by a certain speech which he made. It
came to his knowledge, while he was staying
at Byzantium, that the Chalcedonians made
their settlement seventeen years earlier than
the Byzantines. "Then," said he, "the Chalce-
donians must at that time have been labour-
ing under blindness otherwise, when so far
more excellent a site was open to them, they
would never have chosen one so greatly in-
ferior." Megabazus now, having been ap-
pointed to take the command upon the Hel-
lespont, employed himself in the reduction of
all those states which had not of their own ac-
cord joined the Medes.

145. About this very time another great ex-
pedition was undertaken against Libya, on a
pretext which I will relate when I have prem-
ised certain particulars. The descendants of the
Argonauts in the third generation, driven out
of Lemnos by the Pelasgi who carried off the
Athenian women from Brauron, took ship and
went to Lacedaemon, where, seating themselves
on Mount Taygetum, they proceeded to kindle
their fires. The Lacedaemonians, seeing this,
sent a herald to inquire of them "who they
were, and from what region they had come";
whereupon they made answer, "that they were
Minyae, sons of the heroes by whom the ship
Argo was manned; for these persons had
stayed awhile in Lemnos, and had there be-
come their progenitors." On hearing this ac-
count of their descent, the Lacedaemonians
sent to them a second time, and asked "what
was their object in coming to Lacedaemon, and
there kindling their fires?" They answered,
"that, driven from their own land by the Pe-
lasgi, they had come, as was most reasonable,
to their fathers; and their wish was to dwell
with them in their country, partake their priv-
ileges, and obtain allotments of land* It seemed
good to the Lacedaemonians to receive the Min-
yae among them on their own terms; to assign

them lands, and enrol them in their tribes.
What chiefly moved them to this was the con-
sideration that the sons of Tyndarus had sailed
on board the Argo. The Minyae, on their part,
forthwith married Spartan wives, and gave the
wives, whom they had married in Lemnos, to
Spartan husbands.

146. However, before much time had
elapsed, the Minyae began to wax wanton, de-
manded to share the throne, and committed
other impieties: whereupon the Lacedaemoni-
ans passed on them sentence of death, and,
seizing them, cast them into prison. Now the
Lacedaemonians never put criminals to death
in the daytime, but always at night. When the
Minyae, accordingly, were about to suffer, their
wives, who were not only citizens, but daugh-
ters of the chief men among the Spartans, en-
treated to be allowed to enter the prison, and
have some talk with their lords; and the Spar-
tans, not expecting any fraud from such a
quarter, granted their request. The women en-
tered the prison, gave their own clothes to their
husbands, and received theirs in exchange: af-
ter which the Minyae, dressed in their wives'
garments, and thus passing for women, went
forth. Having effected their escape in this man-
ner, they seated themselves once more upon
Taygetum.

147. It happened that at this very time Ther-
as, son of Autesion (whose father Tisamenus
was the son of Thersandcr, and grandson of
Polymces), was about to lead out a colony from
Lacedaemon. This Theras, by birth a Cadmei-
an, was uncle on the mother's side to the two
sons of Aristodemus, Procles and Eurysthenes,
and, during their infancy, administered in
their right the royal power. When his neph-
ews, however, on attaining to man's estate,
took the government, Theras, who could not
bear to be under the authority of others after
he had wielded authority so long himself, re-
solved to leave Sparta and cross the sea to join
his kindred. There were in the island now
called Thera, but at that time Calliste*, certain
descendants of Membliarus, the son of Poeciles,
a Phoenician. (For Cadmus, the son of Agenor,
when he was sailing in search of Europe*, made
a landing on this island; and, either because the
country pleased him, or because he had a pur-
pose in so doing, left there a number of Phoe-
nicians, and with them his own kinsman Mem-
bliarus. Callist had been inhabited by this
race for eight generations of men, before the
arrival of Theras from Lacedaemon.)

148. Theras now, having with him a certain

150

HERODOTUS

[BOOK iv

number of men from each of the tribes, was
setting forth on his expedition hitherward. Far
from intending to drive out the former inhabi-
tants, he regarded them as his near kin, and
meant to settle among them. It happened that
just at this time the Minyae, having escaped
from their prison, had taken up their station
upon Mount Taygetum; and the Lacedaemoni-
ans, wishing to destroy them, were considering
what was best to be done, when Theras begged
their lives, undertaking to remove them from
the territory. His prayer being granted, he took
ship, and sailed, with three triaconters, to
join the descendants of Membliarus. He was
not, however, accompanied by all the Minyae,
but only by some few of them. The greater
number fled to the land of the Paroreats and
Caucons, whom they drove out, themselves oc-
cupying the region in six bodies, by which
were afterwards built the towns of Lepreum,
Macistus, Phryxae, Pyrgus, Epium, and Nudi-
um; whereof the greater part were in my day
demolished by the Eleans.

149. The island was called Thera after the
name of its founder. This same Theras had a
son, who refused to cross the sea with him;
Theras therefore left him behind, "a sheep,"
as he said, "among wolves." From this speech
his son came to be called CEolycus, a name
which afterwards grew to be the only one by
which he was known. This CEolycus was the
father of ^Egeus, from whom sprang the yE-
gidae, a great tribe in Sparta. The men of this
tribe lost at one time all their children, where-
upon they were bidden by an oracle to build a
temple to the furies of Laius and GEdipus; they
complied, and the mortality ceased. The same
thing happened in Thera to the descendants of
these men.

150. Thus far the history is delivered with-
out variation both by the Theraeans and the
Lacedaemonians; but from this point we have
only the Theraean narrative. Grinus (they
say), the son of /Esanius, a descendant of Ther-
as, and king of the island of Thera, went to
Delphi to offer a hecatomb on behalf of his na-
tive city. He was accompanied by a large num-
ber of the citizens, and among the rest by Bat-
tus, the son of Polymnestus, who belonged to
the Minyan family of the Euphemidae. On
Grinus consulting the oracle about sundry mat-
ters, the Pythoness gave him for answer, "that
he should found a city in Libya." Grinus re-
plied to this: "I, O king! am too far advanced
in years, and too inactive, for such a work. Bid
one of these youngsters undertake it." As he

spoke, he pointed towards Battus; and thus the
matter rested for that time. When the embassy
returned to Thera, small account was taken of
the oracle by the Theraeans, as they were quite
ignorant where Libya was, and were not so
venturesome as to send out a colony in the
dark.

151. Seven years passed from the utterance
of the oracle, and not a drop of rain fell in
Thera: all the trees in the island, except one,
were killed with the drought. The Theraeans
upon this sent to Delphi, and were reminded
reproachfully that they had never colonised
Libya. So, as there was no help for it, they sent
messengers to Crete, to inquire whether any of
the Cretans, or of the strangers sojourning
among them, had ever travelled as far as Libya:
and these messengers of theirs, in their wander-
ings about the island, among other places vis-
ited Itanus, where they fell in with a man,
whose name was Corobius, a dealer in purple.
In answer to their inquiries, he told them that
contrary winds had once carried him to Libya,
where he had gone ashore on a certain island
which was named Platea. So they hired this
man's services, and took him back with them
to Thera. A few persons then sailed from
Thera to reconnoitre. Guided by Corobius to
the island of Platea, they left him there with
provisions for a certain number of months, and
returned home with all speed to give their
countrymen an account of the island.

152. During their absence, which was pro-
longed beyond the time that had been agreed
upon, Corobius' provisions failed him. He was
relieved, however, after a while by a Samian
vessel, under the command of a man named
Colaeus, which, on its way to Egypt, was forced
to put in at Platea. The crew, informed by
Corobius of all the circumstances, left him suf-
ficient food for a year. They themselves quit-
ted the island; and, anxious to reach Egypt,
made sail in that direction, but were carried
out of their course by a gale of wind from the
east. The storm not abating, they were driven
past the Pillars of Hercules, and at last, by some
special guiding providence, reached Tartessus.
This trading town was in those days a virgin
port, unfrequented by the merchants. The
Samians, in consequence, made by the return
voyage a profit greater than any Greeks before
their day, excepting Sostratus, son of Laodam-
as, an Eginetan, with whom no one else can
compare. From the tenth part of their gains,
amounting to six talents, the Samians made a
brazen vessel, in shape like an Argive wine-

149-156]

bowl, adorned with the heads of griffins stand-
ing out in high relief. This bowl, supported by
three kneeling colossal figures in bronze, of
the height of seven cubits, was placed as an
offering in the temple of Juno at Samos. The
aid given to Corobius was the original cause of
that close friendship which afterwards united
the Cyrenaeans and Theraeans with the Sami-
ans.

153. The Theraeans who had left Corobius
at Platea, when they reached Thera, told their
countrymen that they had colonised an island
on the coast of Libya. They of Thera, upon this,
resolved that men should be sent to join the
colony from each of their seven districts, and
that the brothers in every family should draw
lots to determine who were to go. Battus was
chosen to be king and leader of the colony. So
these men departed for Platea on board of two
penteconters.

154. Such is the account which the Therae-
ans give. In the sequel of the history their ac-
counts tally with those of the people of Cy-
rene; but in what they relate of Battus these
two nations differ most widely. The following
is the Cyrenaic story. There was once a king
named Etearchus, who ruled over Axus, a
city in Crete, and had a daughter named
Phronima. This girl's mother having died,
Etearchus married a second wife; who no soon-
er took up her abode in his house than she
proved a true step-mother to poor Phronima,
always vexing her, and contriving against her
every sort of mischief. At last she taxed her
with light conduct; and Etearchus, persuaded
by his wife that the charge was true, bethought
himself of a most barbarous mode of punish-
ment. There was a certain Theracan, named
Themison, a merchant, living at Axus. This
man Etearchus invited to be his friend and
guest, and then induced him to swear that he
would do him any service he might require.
No sooner had he given the promise, than the
king fetched Phronima, and, delivering her
into his hands, told him to carry her away and
throw her into the sea. Hereupon Themison,
full of indignation at the fraud whereby his
oath had been procured, dissolved forthwith
the friendship, and, taking the girl with him,
sailed away from Crete. Having reached the
open main, to acquit himself of the obligation
under which he was laid by his oath to Etear-
chus, he fastened ropes about the damsel, and,
letting her down into the sea, drew her up
again, and so made sail for Thera.

155. At Thera, Polymnestus, one of the

THE HISTORY

151

chief citizens of the place, took Phronima to be
his concubine. The fruit of this union was a
son, who stammered and had a lisp in his
speech. According to the Cyrenaeans and Ther-
aeans, the name given to the boy was Battus: in
my opinion, however, he was called at the first
something else, and only got the name of Bat-
tus after his arrival in Libya, assuming it either
in consequence of the words addressed to him
by the Delphian oracle, or on account of the
office which he held. For, in the Libyan
tongue, the word "Battus" means "a king."
And this, I think, was the reason why the Py-
thoness addressed him as she did: she knew he
was to be a king in Libya, and so she used the
Libyan word in speaking to him. For after he
had grown to man's estate, he made a journey
to Delphi, to consult the oracle about his voice;
when, upon his putting his question, the Py-
thoness thus replied to him:

Battus, thou earnest to as^ of thy voice; but Phce-

bus Apollo
Bids thee establish a city in Libya, abounding in

fleeces;

which was as if she had said in her own tongue,
"King, thou earnest to ask of thy voice." Then
he replied, "Mighty lord, I did indeed come
hither to consult thee about rny voice, but thou
speakest to me of quite other matters, bidding
me colonise Libya an impossible thing! what
power have I? what followers?" Thus he
spake, but he did not persuade the Pythoness
to give him any other response; so, when he
found that she persisted in her former answer,
he left her speaking, and set out on his return
to Thera.

156. After a while, everything began to go
wrong both with Battus and with the rest of
the Thera?ans, whereupon these last, ignorant
of the cause of their sufferings, sent to Delphi
to inquire for what reason they were afflicted.
The Pythoness in reply told them "that if they
and Battus would make a settlement at Cy-
ren in Libya, things would go better with
them." Upon this the Theraeans sent out Battus
with two penteconters, and with these he pro-
ceeded to Libya, but within a little time, not
knowing what else to do, the men returned
and arrived off Thera. The Theraeans, when
they saw the vessels approaching, received
them with showers of missiles, would not al-
low them to come near the shore, and ordered
the men to sail back from whence they came.
Thus compelled to return, they settled on an
island near the Libyan coast, which (as I have
already said) was called Platea. In size it is re-

152

HERODOTUS

[BOOK rv

ported to have been about equal to the city of
Gyrene, as it now stands.

157. In this place they continued two years,
but at the end of that time, as their ill luck still
followed them, they left the island to the care
of one of their number, and went in a body to
Delphi, where they made complaint at the
shrine to the effect that, notwithstanding they
had colonised Libya, they prospered as poorly
as before. Hereon the Pythoness made them
the following answer:

Knowest thou better than I, fair Libya abounding

in fleeces?
Better the stranger than he who has trod it? Ohl

clever Theraansl

Battus and his friends, when they heard this,
sailed back to Platea: it was plain the god
would not hold them acquitted of the colony
till they were absolutely in Libya. So, taking
with them the man whom they had left upon
the island, they made a settlement on the main-
land directly opposite Platea, fixing themselves
at a place called Aziris, which is closed in on
both sides by the most beautiful hills, and on
one side is washed by a river.

158. Here they remained six years, at the
end of which time the Libyans induced them
to move, promising that they would lead them
to a better situation. So the Greeks left Aziris
and were conducted by the Libyans towards
the west, their journey being so arranged, by
the calculation of thejr guides, that they passed
in the night the most beautiful district of that
whole country, which is the region called Irasa.
The Libyans brought them to a spring, which
goes by the name of Apollo's fountain, and told
them "Here, Grecians, is the proper place for
you to settle; for here the sky leaks."

159. During the lifetime of Battus, the
founder of the colony, who reigned forty years,
and during that of his son Arcesilaiis, who
reigned sixteen, the Cyrenaeans continued at
the same level, neither more nor fewer in num-
ber than they were at the first. But in the reign
of the third king, Battus, surnamed the Hap-
py, the advice of the Pythoness brought Greeks
from every quarter into Libya, to join the set-
tlement. The Cyrenaeans had offered to all
comers a share in their lands; and the oracle
had spoken as follows:

He that is backward to share in the pleasant Liby-
an acres,

Sooner or later, I warn him, will feel regret at his
jolly.

Thus a great multitude were collected together
to Gyrene*, and the Libyans of the neighbour-

hood found themselves stripped of large por-
tions of their lands. So they, and their king
Adicran, being robbed and insulted by the Cy-
renaeans, sent messengers to Egypt, and put
themselves under the rule of Apries, the Egyp-
tian monarch; who, upon this, levied a vast
army of Egyptians, and sent them against Gy-
rene*. The inhabitants of that place left their
walls and marched out in force to the district
of Irasa, where, near the spring called Theste,
they engaged the Egyptian host, and defeated
it. The Egyptians, who had never before made
trial of the prowess of the Greeks, and so
thought but meanly of them, were routed with
such slaughter that but a very few of them ever
got back home. For this reason, the subjects of
Apries, who laid the blame of the defeat on
him, revolted from his authority.

1 60. This Battus left a son called Arcesilaiis,
who, when he came to the throne, had dissen-
sions with his brothers, which ended in their
quitting him and departing to another region
of Libya, where, after consulting among them-
selves, they founded the city, which is still
called by the name then given to it, Barca. At
the same time they endeavoured to induce the
Libyans to revolt from Cyrene. Not long after-
wards Arcesilaiis made an expedition against
the Libyans who had received his brothers and
been prevailed upon to revolt; and they, fear-
ing his power, fled to their countrymen who
dwelt towards the east. Arcesilaiis pursued,
and chased them to a place called Leucon,
which is in Libya, where the Libyans resolved
to risk a battle. Accordingly they engaged the
Cyrenaeans, and defeated them so entirely that
as many as seven thousand of their heavy-
armed were slain in the fight. Arcesilaiis, after
this blow, fell sick, and, whilst he was under
the influence of a draught which he had taken,
was strangled by Learchus, one of his brothers.
This Learchus was afterwards entrapped by
Eryxo, the widow of Arcesilaiis, and put to
death.

161. Battus, Arcesilaus* son, succeeded to
the kingdom, a lame man, who limped in his
walk. Their late calamities now induced the
Cyrenzans to send to Delphi and inquire of
the god what form of government they had
best set up to secure themselves prosperity. The
Pythoness answered by recommending them to
fetch an arbitrator from Mantinea in Arcadia.
Accordingly they sent; and the Mantineans
gave them a man named Demonax, a person of
high repute among the citizens; who, on his
arrival at Cyre'ne', having first made himself ac-

I57-I66]

quaintcd with all the circumstances, proceed-
ed to enrol the people in three tribes. One he
made to consist of the Theraeans and their vas-
sals; another of the Peloponnesians and Cre-
tans; and a third of the various islanders. Be-
sides this, he deprived the king Battus of his
former privileges, only reserving for him cer-
tain sacred lands and offices; while, with re-
spect to the powers which had hitherto been
exercised by the king, he gave them all into
the hands of the people.

162. Thus matters rested during the lifetime
of this Battus, but when his son Arcesilaiis
came to the throne, great disturbance arose
about the privileges. For Arcesilaiis, son of Bat/
tus the lame and Pheretima, refused to submit
to the arrangements of Demonax the Mantin-
ean, and claimed all the powers of his fore-
fathers. In the contention which followed Ar-
cesilaiis was worsted, whereupon he fled to
Samos, while his mother took refuge at Sala-
mis in the island of Cyprus. Salamis was at that
time ruled by Evelthon, the same who offered
at Delphi the censer which is in the treasury of
the Corinthians, a work deserving of admira-
tion. Of him Pheretima made request that he
would give her an army whereby she and her
son might regain Cyrene. But Evelthon, pre-
ferring to give her anything rather than an
armv, made her various presents. Pheretima
accepted them all, saying, as she took them:
"Good is this too, O king! but better were it
to give me the army which I crave at thy
hands." Finding that she repeated these words
each time that he presented her with a gift,
Evelthon at last sent her a golden spindle and
distaff, with the wool ready for spinning.
Again she uttered the same speech as before,
whereupon Evelthon rejoined 'These are the
gifts I present to women, not armies.*'

163. At Samos, meanwhile, Arcesilaiis was
collecting troops by the promise of granting
them lands. Having in this way drawn togeth-
er a vast host, he sent to Delphi to consult the
oracle about his restoration. The answer of the
Pythoness was this: "Loxias grants thy race to
rule over Cyrene, till four kings Battus, four
Arcesilaiis by name, have passed away. Beyond
this term of eight generations of men, he
warns you not to seek to extend your reign.
Thou, for thy part, be gentle, when thou art
restored. If thou findest the oven full of jars,
bake not the jars; but be sure to speed them
on their way. If, however, thou heatest the
oven, then avoid the island else thou wilt die
thyself, and with thee the most beautiful bull."

THE HISTORY

153

164. So spake the Pythoness. Arcesilaiis
upon this returned to Cyrene, taking with him
the troops which he had raised in Samos.
There he obtained possession of the supreme
power; whereupon, forgetful of the oracle, he
took proceedings against those who had driven
him into banishment. Some of them fled from
him and quitted the country for good; others
fell into his hands and were sent to suffer
death in Cyprus. These last happening on their
passage to put in through stress of weather at
Cnidus, the Cmdians rescued them, and sent
them off to Thera. Another body found a ref-
uge in the great tower of Aglomachus, a pri-
vate edifice, and were there destroyed by Ar-
cesilaiis, who heaped wood around the place,
and burnt them to death. Aware, after the
deed was done, that this was what the Pytho-
ness meant when she warned him, if he found
the jars in the oven, not to bake them, he with-
drew himself of his own accord from the city
of Gyrene*, believing that to be the island of the
oracle, and fearing to die as had been prophe-
sied. Being married to a relation of his own, a
daughter of Alazir, at that time king of the
Barcxans, he took up his abode with him. At
Barca, however, certain of the citizens, togeth-
er with a number of Cyremean exiles, recognis-
ing him as he walked in the forum, killed him;
they slew also at the same time Alazir, his
father-in-law. So Arcesilaiis, wittingly or un-
wittingly, disobeyed the oracle, and thereby
fulfilled his destiny.

165. Pheretima, the mother of Arcesilaiis,
during the time that her son, after working his
own ruin, dwelt at Barca, continued to enjoy
all his privileges at Gyrene*, managing the gov-
ernment, and taking her seat at the council
board. No sooner, however, did she hear of the
death of her son at Barca, than leaving Cyren,
she fled in haste to Egypt. Arcesilaiis had
claims for service done to Cambyses, son of
Cyrus; since it was by him that Cyren was
put under the Persian yoke, and a rate of
tribute agreed upon. Pheretima therefore went
straight to Egypt, and presenting herself as a
suppliant before Aryandes, entreated him to
avenge her wrongs. Her son, she said, had met
his death on account of his being so well af-
fected towards the Medes.

1 66. Now Aryandes had been made gover-
nor of Egypt by Cambyses. He it was who in
after times was punished with death by Darius
for seeking to rival him. Aware, by report and
also by his own eyesight, that Darius wished
to leave a memorial of himself, such as no king

154

HERODOTUS

[ BOOR iv

had ever left before, Aryandes resolved to fol-
low his example, and did so, till he got his re-
ward. Darius had refined gold to the last per-
fection of purity in order to have coins struck
of it: Aryandes, in his Egyptian government,
did the very same with silver, so that to this
day there is no such pure silver anywhere as
the Aryandic. Darius, when this came to his
ears, brought another charge, a charge of re-
bellion, against Aryandes, and put him to
death.

167. At the time of which we are speaking
Aryandes, moved with compassion for Phere-
tima, granted her all the forces which there
were in Egypt, both land and sea. The com-
mand of the army he gave to Amasis, a Mara-
phian; while Badres, one of the tribe of the
Pasa&gadae, was appointed to lead the fleet. Be-
fore the expedition, however, left Egypt, he
sent a herald to Barca to inquire who it was
that had slain king Arcesilaiis. The Barcaeans
replied "that they, one and all, acknowledged
the deed Arcesilaiis had done them many and
great injuries." After receiving this reply, Ary-
andes gave the troops orders to march with
Pheretima. Such was the cause which served
as a pretext for this expedition: its real object
was, I believe, the subjugation of Libya. For
Libya is inhabited by many and various races,
and of these but a very few were subjects of the
Persian king, while by far the larger number
held Darius in no manner of respect.

1 68. The Libyans dwell in the order which
I will now describe. Beginning on the side of
Egypt, the first Libyans are the Adyrmachidae.
These people have, in most points, the same
customs as the Egyptians, but use the costume
of the Libyans. Their women wear on each leg
a ring made of bronze; they let their hair grow
long, and when they catch any vermin on their
persons, bite it and throw it away. In this they
differ from all the other Libyans. They are also
the only tribe with whom the custom obtains
of bringing all women about to become brides
before the king, that he may choose such as are
agreeable to him. The Adyrmachidae extend
from the borders of Egypt to the harbour called
Port Plynus.

169. Next to the Adyrmachidae are the Gilli-
gamma?, who inhabit the country westward as
far as the island of Aphrodisias. Off this tract
is the island of Platea, which the Cyrenseans
colonised. Here too, upon the mainland, are
Port Menelaiis, and Aziris, where the Cyrenae-
ans once lived. The Silphium begins to grow
in this region, extending from the island of

Platea on the one side to the mouth of the Syr-
tis on the other. The customs of the Gilligam-
mae are like those of the rest of their country-
men.

170. The Asbystae adjoin the Gilligammae
upon the west. They inhabit the regions above
Cyren, but do not reach to the coast, which be-
longs to the Cyrenaeans. Four-horse chariots
are in more common use among them than
among any other Libyans. In most of their cus-
toms they ape the manners of the Cyrenaeans.

171. Westward of the Asbystae dwell the
Auschisae, who possess the country above Bar-
ca, reaching, however, to the sea at the place
called Euesperides. In the middle of their ter-
ritory is the little tribe of the Cabalians, which
touches the coast near Tauchira, a city of the
Barcaeans. Their customs are like those of the
Libyans above Gyrene*.

172. The Nasamonians, a numerous people,
are the western neighbours of the Auschisae. In
summer they leave their flocks and herds upon
the sea-shore, and go up the country to a place
called Augila, where they gather the dates
from the palms, which in those parts grow
thickly, and are of great size, all of them being
of the fruit-bearing kind. They also chase the
locusts, and, when caught, dry them in the sun,
after which they grind them to powder, and,
sprinkling this upon their milk, so drink it.
Each man among them has several wives, in
their intercourse with whom they resemble the
Massagetae. The following are their customs in
the swearing of oaths and the practice of aug-
ury. The man, as he swears, lays his hand upon
the tomb of some one considered to have been
pre-eminently just and good, and so doing
swears by his name. For divination they be-
take themselves to the sepulchres of their own
ancestors, and, after praying, lie down to sleep
upon their graves; by the dreams which then
come to them they guide their conduct. When
they pledge their faith to one another, each
gives the other to drink out of his hand; if
there be no liquid to be had, they take up dust
from the ground, and put their tongues to it.

173. On the country of the Nasamonians
borders that of the Psylli, who were swept
away under the following circumstances. The
south-wind had blown for a long time and
dried up all the tanks in which their water was
stored. Now the whole region within the Syr-
tis is utterly devoid of springs. Accordingly the
Psylli took counsel among themselves, and by
common consent made war upon the south-
wind so at least the Libyans say, I do but re-

167-180]

peat their words they went forth and reached
the desert; but there the south-wind rose and
buried them under heaps of sand: whereupon,
the Psylli being destroyed, their lands passed
to the Nasamonians.

174. Above the Nasamonians, towards the
south, in the district where the wild beasts
abound, dwell the Garamantians, who avoid
all society or intercourse with their fellow-
men, have no weapon of war, and do not know
how to defend themselves.

175. These border the Nasamonians on the
south: westward along the sea-shore their
neighbours are the Macae, who, by letting the
locks about the crown of their head grow long,
while they clip them close everywhere else,
make their hair resemble a crest. In war these
people use the skins of ostriches for shields.
The river Cinyps rises among them from the
height called "the Hill of the Graces," and
runs from thence through their country to the
sea. The Hill of the Graces is thickly covered
with wood, and is thus very unlike the rest of
Libya, which is bare. It is distant two hundred
furlongs from the sea.

176. Adjoining the Macae are the Gindanes,
whose women wear on their legs anklets of
leather. Each lover that a woman has gives her
one; and she who can show the most is the best
esteemed, as she appears to have been loved by
the greatest number of men.

177. A promontory jutting out into the sea
from the country of the Gindanes is inhabited
by the Lotophagi, who live entirely on the
fruit of the lotus-tree. The lotus fruit is about
the size of the lentisk berry, and in sweetness
resembles the date. The Lotophagi even suc-
ceed in obtaining from it a sort of wine.

178. The sea-coast beyond the Lotophagi is
occupied by the Machlyans, who use the lotus
to some extent, though not so much as the peo-
ple of whom we last spoke. The Machlyans
reach as far as the great river called the Triton,
which empties itself into the great lake Tri-
tonis. Here, in this lake, is an island called
Phla, which it is said the Lacedaemonians were
to have colonised, according to an oracle.

179. The following is the story as it is com-
monly told. When Jason had finished building
the Argo at the foot of Mount Pelion, he took
on board the usual hecatomb, and moreover a
brazen tripod. Thus equipped, he set sail, in-
tending to coast round the Peloponnese, and
so to reach Delphi. The voyage was prosperous
as far as Malea; but at that point a gale of wind
from the north came on suddenly, and carried

THE HISTORY

155

him out of his course to the coast of Libya;
where, before he discovered the land, he got
among the shallows of Lake Tritonis. As he
was turning it in his mind how he should find
his way out, Triton (they say) appeared to
him, and offered to show him the channel, and
secure him a safe retreat, if he would give him
the tripod. Jason complying, was shown by
Triton the passage through the shallows; after
which the god took the tripod, and, carrying
it to his own temple, seated himself upon it,
and, filled with prophetic fury, delivered to
Jason and his companions a long prediction.
"When a descendant," he said, "of one of the
Argo's crew should seize and carry off the
brazen tripod, then by inevitable fate would a
hundred Grecian cities be built around Lake
Tritonis." The Libyans of that region, when
they heard the words of this prophecy, took
away the tripod and hid it.

1 80. The next tribe beyond the Machlyans
is the tribe of the Auseans. Both these nations
inhabit the borders of Lake Tritonis, being sep-
arated from one another by the river Triton.
Both also wear their hair long, but the Mach-
lyans let it grow at the back of the head, while
the Auseans have it long in front. The Ausean
maidens keep year by year a feast in honour of
Minerva, whereat their custom is to draw up
in two bodies, and fight with stones and clubs.
They say that these are rites which have come
down to them from their fathers, and that they
honour with them their native goddess, who is
the same as the Minerva (Athene*) of the Gre-
cians. If any of the maidens die of the wounds
they receive, the Auseans declare that such are
false maidens. Before the fight is suffered to be-
gin, they have another ceremony. One of the
virgins, the loveliest of the number, is selected
from the rest; a Corinthian helmet and a com-
plete suit of Greek armour are publicly put
upon her; and, thus adorned, she is made to
mount into a chariot, and led around the whole
lake in a procession. What arms they used for
the adornment of their damsels before the
Greeks came to live in their country, I cannot
say. I imagine they dressed them in Egyptian
armour, for I maintain that both the shield and
the helmet came into Greece from Egypt. The
Auseans declare that Minerva is the daughter
of Neptune and the Lake Tritonis they say
she quarrelled with her father, and applied to
Jupiter, who consented to let her be his child;
and so she became his adopted daughter.
These people do not marry or live in families,
but dwell together like the gregarious beasts.

156

HERODOTUS

[BOOK iv

When their children are full-grown, they arc
brought before the assembly of the men, which
is held every third month, and assigned to
those whom they most resemble.

1 8 r. Such are the tribes of wandering Liby-
ans dwelling upon the sea-coast. Above them
inland is the wild-beast tract: and beyond that, a
ridge of sand, reaching from Egyptian Thebes
to the Pillars of Hercules. Throughout this
ridge, at the distance of about ten days' journey
from one another, heaps of salt in large lumps
lie upon hills. At the top of every hill there
gushes forth from the middle of the salt a
stream of water, which is both cold and sweet.
Around dwell men who are the last inhabi-
tants of Libya on the side of the desert, living,
as they do, more inland than the wild-beast dis-
trict. Of these nations the first is that of the
Ammomans, who dwell at a distance of ten
days' journey from Thebes, and have a temple
derived from that of the Theban Jupiter. For
at Thebes likewise, as I mentioned above, the
image of Jupiter has a face like that of a ram.
The Ammonians have another spring besides
that which rises from the salt. The water of
this stream is lukewarm at early dawn; at the
time when the market fills it is much cooler;
by noon it has grown quite cold; at this time,
therefore, they water their gardens. As the af-
ternoon advances the coldness goes off, till,
about sunset, the water is once more luke-
warm; still the heat increases, and at midnight
it boils furiously. After this time it again begins
to cool, and grows less and less hot till morn-
ing comes. This spring is called "the Fountain
of the Sun."

182. Next to the Ammonians, at the dis-
tance of ten days' journey along the ridge of
sand, there is a second salt-hill like the Am-
monian, and a second spring. The country
round is inhabited, and the place bears the
name of Augila. Hither it is that the Nasa-
monians come to gather in the dates.

183. Ten days' journey from Augila there
is again a salt-hill and a spring; palms of the
fruitful kind grow here abundantly, as they do
also at the other salt-hills. This region is in-
habited by a nation called the Garamantians, a
very powerful people, who cover the salt with
mould, and then sow their crops. From thence
is the shortest road to the Lotophagi, a journey
of thirty days. In the Garamantian country
are found the oxen which, as they graze, walk
backwards. This they do because their horns
curve outwards in front of their heads, so that
it is not possible for them when grazing to

move forwards, since in that case their horns
would become fixed in the ground. Only here-
in do they differ from other oxen, and further
in the thickness and hardness of their hides.
The Garamantians have four-horse chariots, in
which they chase the Troglodyte Ethiopians,
who of all the nations whereof any account has
reached our ears are by far the swiftest of foot.
The Troglodytes feed on serpents, lizards, and
other similar reptiles. Their language is unlike
that of any other people; it sounds like the
screeching of bats.

184. At the distance of ten days' journey
from the Garamantians there is again another
salt-hill and spring of water; around which
dwell a people, called the Atarantians, who
alone of all known nations are destitute of
names. The title of Atarantians is borne by the
whole race in common; but the men have no
particular names of their own. The Ataran-
tians, when the sun rises high in the heaven,
curse him, and load him with reproaches, be-
cause (they say) he burns and wastes both
their country and themselves. Once more at the
distance of ten days' journey there is a salt-hill,
a spring, and an inhabited tract. Near the salt
is a mountain called Atlas, very taper and
round; so lofty, moreover, that the top (it is
said) cannot be seen, the clouds never quitting
it either summer or winter. The natives call
this mountain "the Pillar of Heaven"; and they
themselves take their name from it, being
called Atlantes. They are reported not to eat any
living thing, and never .to have any dreams.

185. As far as the Atlantes the names of
the nations inhabiting the sandy ridge are
known to me; but beyond them my knowledge
fails. The ridge itself extends as far as the Pil-
lars of Hercules, and even further than these;
and throughout the whole distance, at the end
of every ten days' journey, there is a salt-mine,
with people dwelling round it who all of them
build their houses with blocks of the salt. No
rain falls in these parts of Libya; if it were oth-
erwise, the walls of these houses could not
stand. The salt quarried is of two colours,
white and purple. Beyond the ridge, south-
wards, in the direction of the interior, the
country is a desert, with no springs, no beasts,
no rain, no wood, and altogether destitute of
moisture.

1 86. Thus from Egypt as far as Lake Tri-
tonis Libya is inhabited by wandering tribes,
whose drink is milk and their food the flesh of
animals. Cow's flesh, however, none of these
tribes ever taste, but abstain from it for the

181-192] THE HISTORY

same reason as the Egyptians, neither do they
any of them breed swine. Even at Gyrene*, the
women think it wrong to eat the flesh of the
cow, honouring in this Isis, the Egyptian god-
dess, whom they worship both with fasts and
festivals. The Barcaean women abstain, not from
cow's flesh only, but also from the flesh of swine.

187. West of Lake Trit6nis the Libyans are
no longer wanderers, nor do they practise the
same customs as the wandering people, or treat
their children in the same way. For the wan-
dering Libyans, many of them at any rate, if
not all concerning which I cannot speak with
certainty when their children come to the
age of four years, burn the veins at the top of
their heads with a flock from the fleece of a
sheep: others burn the veins about the temples.
This they do to prevent them from being
plagued in their after lives by a flow of rheum
from the head; and such they declare is the
reason why they are so much more healthy
than other men. Certainly the Libyans are the
healthiest men that I know; but whether this is
what makes them so, or not, I cannot positive-
ly say the healthiest certainly they are. If
when the children are being burnt convulsions
come on, there is a remedy of which they have
made discovery. It is to sprinkle goat's water
upon the child, who thus treated, is sure to re-
cover. In all this I only repeat what is said by
the Libyans.

1 88. The rites which the wandering Liby-
ans use in sacrificing are the following. They
begin with the ear of the victim, which they
cut off and throw over their house: this done,
they kill the animal by twisting the neck. They
sacrifice to the Sun and Moon, but not to any
other god. This worship is common to all the
Libyans. The inhabitants of the parts about
Lake Tritonis worship in addition Triton,
Neptune, and Minerva, the last especially.

189. The dress wherewith Minerva's stat-
ues are adorned, and her JEgis, were derived
by the Greeks from the women of Libya. For,
except that the garments of the Libyan women
are of leather, and their fringes made of leath-
ern thongs instead of serpents, in all else the
dress of both is exactly alike. The name too it-
self shows that the mode of dressing the Pallas-
statues came from Libya. For the Libyan wom-
en wear over their dress goat-skins stript of
the hair, fringed at their edges, and coloured
with vermilion; and from these goat-skins the
Greeks get their word ^Egis (goat-harness). I
think for my part that the loud cries uttered in
our sacred rites came also from thence; for the

157

Libyan women are greatly given to such cries
and utter them very sweetly. Likewise the
Greeks learnt from the Libyans to yoke four
horses to a chariot.

190. All the wandering tribes bury their
dead according to the fashion of the Greeks, ex-
cept the Nasamonians. They bury them sitting,
and are right careful when the sick man is at
the point of giving up the ghost, to make him
sit and not let him die lying down. The dwell-
ings of these people are made of the stems of
the asphodel, and of rushes wattled together.
They can be carried from place to place. Such
are the customs of the afore-mentioned tribes.

191. Westward of the river Triton and ad-
joining upon the Auseans, are other Libyans
who till the ground, and live in houses: these
people are named the Maxyans. They let the
hair grow long on the right side of their heads,
and shave it close on the left; they besmear
their bodies with red paint; and they say that
they are descended from the men of Troy.
Their country and the remainder of Libya to-
wards the west is far fuller of wild beasts and
of wood than the country of the wandering
people. For the eastern side of Libya, where the
wanderers dwell, is low and sandy, as far as
the river Triton; but westward of that the
land of the husbandmen is very hilly, and
abounds with forests and wild beasts. For this
is the tract in which the huge serpents are
found, and the lions, the elephants, the bears,
the aspicks, and the horned asses. Here too are
the dog-faced creatures, and the creatures
without heads, whom the Libyans declare to
have their eyes in their breasts; and also the
wild men, and wild women, and many other
far less fabulous beasts.

192. Among the wanderers are none of
these, but quite other animals; as antelopes,
gazelles, buffaloes, and asses, not of the horned
sort, but of a kind which does not need to
drink; also oryxes, whose horns are used for
the curved sides of citherns, and whose size is
about that of the ox; foxes, hyaenas, porcupines,
wild rams, dictyes, jackals, panthers, boryes,
land-crocodiles about three cubits in length,
very like lizards, ostriches, and little snakes,
each with a single horn. All these animals are
found here, and likewise those belonging to
other countries, except the stag and the wild-
boar; but neither stag nor wild-boar are found
in any part of Libya. There are, however, three
sorts of mice in these parts; the first are called
two-footed; the next, zegeries, which is a Lib-
yan word meaning "hills"; and the third,

158

HERODOTUS

[BOOK iv

urchins. Weasels also are found in the Silphi-
um region, much like the Tartessian. So many,
therefore, are the animals belonging to the
land of the wandering Libyans, in so far at
least as my researches have been able to reach.

193. Next to the Maxyan Libyans are the
Zavecians, whose wives drive their chariots to
battle.

194. On them border the Gyzantians; in
whose country a vast deal of honey is made by
bees; very much more, however, by the skill of
men. The people all paint themselves red, and
eat monkeys, whereof there is inexhaustible
store in the hills.

195. Off their coast, as the Carthaginians re-
port, lies an island, by name Cyraunis, the
length of which is two hundred furlongs, its
breadth not great, and which is soon reached
from the mainland. Vines and olive trees cov-
er the whole of it, and there is in the island a
lake, from which the young maidens of the
country draw up gold-dust, by dipping into the
mud birds' feathers smeared with pitch. If
this be true, I know not; I but write what is
said. It may be even so, however; since I myself
have seen pitch drawn up out of the water from
a lake in Zacynthus. At the place I speak of
there are a number of lakes; but one is larger
than the rest, being seventy feet every way, and
two fathoms in depth. Here they let down a
pole into the water, with a bunch of myrtle tied
to one end, and when they raise it again, there
is pitch sticking to the myrtle, which in smell
is like to bitumen, but in all else is better than
the pitch of Pieria. This they pour into a trench
dug by the lake's side; and when a good deal
has thus been got together, they draw it off and
put it up in jars. Whatever falls into the lake
passes underground, and comes up in the sea,
which is no less than four furlongs distant. So
then what is said of the island off the Libyan
coast is not without likelihood.

196. The Carthaginians also relate the fol-
lowing: There is a country in Libya, and a
nation, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, which
they are wont to visit, where they no sooner
arrive but forthwith they unlade their wares,
and, having disposed them after an orderly
fashion along the beach, leave them, and, re-
turning aboard their ships, raise a great smoke.
The natives, when they see the smoke, come
down to the shore, and, laying out to view so
much gold as .they think the worth of the
wares, withdraw to a distance. The Carthagin-
ians upon this come ashore and look. If they
think the gold enough, they take it and go

their way; but if it does not seem to them suffi-
cient, they go aboard ship once more, and wait
patiently. Then the others approach and add
to their gold, till the Carthaginians are content.
Neither party deals unfairly by the other: for
they themselves never touch the gold till it
comes up to the worth of their goods, nor do
the natives ever carry off the goods till the gold
is taken away.

197. These be the Libyan tribes whereof I
am able to give the names; and most of these
cared little then, and indeed care little now, for
the king of the Medes. One thing more also I
can add concerning this region, namely, that,
so far as our knowledge reaches, four nations,
and no more, inhabit it; and two of these na-
tions are indigenous, while two are not. The
two indigenous are the Libyans and Ethiopi-
ans, who dwell respectively in the north and
the south of Libya. The Phoenicians and the
Greek are in-comers.

198. It seems to me that Libya is not to
compare for goodness of soil with either Asia
or Europe, except the Cinyps region, which is
named after the river that waters it. This piece
of land is equal to any country in the world for
cereal crops, and is in nothing like the rest of
Libya. For the soil here is blaek, and springs of
water abound; so that there is nothing to fear
from drought; nor do heavy rains (and it rains
in that part of Libya) do any harm when they
soak the ground. The returns of the harvest
come up to the measure which prevails in Baby-
lonia. The soil is likewise good in the country
of the Euesperites; for there the land brings
forth in the best years a hundred-fold. But the
Cinyps region yields three hundred-fold.

199. The country of the Cyrenaeans, which
is the highest tract within the part of Libya in-
habited by the wandering tribes, has three
seasons that deserve remark. First the crops
along the sea-coast begin to ripen, and are
ready for the harvest and the vintage; after
they have been gathered in, the crops of the
middle tract above the coast region (the hill-
country, as they call it) need harvesting; while
about the time when this middle crop is
housed, the fruits ripen and are fit for cutting
in the highest tract of all. So that the produce
of the first tract has been all eaten and drunk
by the time that the last harvest comes in. And
the harvest-time of the Cyrenaeans continues
thus for eight full months. So much concern-
ing these matters.

200. When the Persians sent from Egypt by
Aryandes to help Pheretima reached Barca,

193-205]

THE HISTORY

159

they laid siege to the town, calling on those
within to give up the men who had been guilty
of the murder of Arcesilaiis. The townspeople,
however, as they had one and all taken part in
the deed, refused to entertain the proposition.
So the Persians beleaguered Barca for nine
months, in the course of which they dug sev-
eral mines from their own lines to the walls,
and likewise made a number of vigorous as-
saults. But their mines were discovered by a
man who was a worker in brass, who went
with a brazen shield all round the fortress, and
laid it on the ground inside the city. In other
places the shield, when he laid it down, was
quite dumb; but where the ground was under-
mined, there the brass of the shield rang. Here,
therefore, the Barcaeans countermined, and
slew the Persian diggers. Such was the way in
which the mines were discovered; as for the
assaults, the Barcaeans beat them back.

201. When much time had been consumed,
and great numbers had fallen on both sides,
nor had the Persians lost fewer than their ad-
versaries, Amasis, the leader of the land-army,
perceiving that, although the Barcaeans would
never be conquered by force, they might be
overcome by fraud, contrived as follows. One
night he dug a wide trench, and laid light
planks of wood across the opening, after which
he brought mould and placed it upon the
planks, taking care to make the place level
with the surrounding ground. At dawn of day
he summoned the Barcaeans to a parley: and
they gladly hearkening, the terms were at
length agreed upon. Oaths were interchanged
upon the ground over the hidden trench, and
the agreement ran thus "So long as the
ground beneath our feet stands firm, the oath
shall abide unchanged; the people of Barca
agree to pay a fair sum to the king, and the
Persians promise to cause no further trouble
to the people of Barca." After the oath, the
Barcaeans, relying upon its terms, threw open
all their gates, went out themselves beyond the
walls, and allowed as many of the enemy as
chose to enter. Then the Persians broke down
their secret bridge, and rushed at speed into
the town their reason for breaking the bridge
being that so they might observe what they
had sworn; for they had promised the Barcae-
ans that the oath should continue "so long as
the ground whereon they stood was firm."
When, therefore, the bridge was once broken
down, the oath ceased to hold.

202. Such of the Barcaeans as were most
guilty the Persians gave up to Pheretima, who

nailed them to crosses all round the walls of
the city. She also cut off the breasts of their
wives, and fastened them likewise about the
walls. The remainder of the people she gave
as booty to the Persians, except only the Bat-
tiadae and those who had taken no part in
the murder, to whom she handed over the
possession of the town.

203. The Persians now set out on their re-
turn home, carrying with them the rest of the
Barcaeans, whom they had made their slaves.
On their way they came to Gyrene; and the
Cyrenaeans, out of regard for an oracle, let
them pass through the town. During the pass-
age, Bares, the commander of the fleet, ad-
vised to seize the place; but Amasis, the leader
of the land-force, would not consent; "be-
cause," he said, "they had only been charged
to attack the one Greek city of Barca." When,
however, they had passed through the town,
and were encamped upon the hill of Lycaean
Jove, it repented them that they had not seized
Gyrene, and they endeavoured to enter it a
second time. The Cyrenaeans, however, would
not suffer this; whereupon, though no one
appeared to offer them battle, yet a panic
came upon the Persians, and they ran a dis-
tance of full sixty furlongs before they pitched
their camp. Here as they lay, a messenger
came to them from Aryandes, ordering them
home. Then the Persians besought the men of
Gyrene to give them provisions for the way,
and, these consenting, they set off on their re-
turn to Egypt. But the Libyans now beset them,
and, for the sake of their clothes and harness,
slew all who dropped behind and straggled,
during the whole march homewards.

204. The furthest point of Libya reached by
this Persian host was the city of Euesperides.
The Barcaeans carried into slavery were sent
from Egypt to the king; and Darius assigned
them a village in Bactria for their dwelling-
place. To this village they gave the name of
Barca, and it was to my time an inhabited
place in Bactria.

205. Nor did Pheretima herself end her
days happily. For on her return to Egypt from
Libya, directly after taking vengeance on the
people of Barca, she was overtaken by a most
horrid death. Her body swarmed with worms,
which ate her flesh while she was still alive.
Thus do men, by over-harsh punishments,
draw down upon themselves the anger of the
gods. Such then, and so fierce, was the ven-
geance which Pheretima, daughter of Battus,
took upon the Barcaeans.

The Fifth Book, Entitled
TERPSICHORE

i. The Persians left behind by King Darius in
Europe, who had Megabazus for their general,
reduced, before any other Hellespontine state,
the people of Perinthus, who had no mind to
become subjects of the king. Now the Perinth-
ians had ere this been roughly handled by
another nation, the Paeonians. For the Paeoni-
ans from about the Strymon were once bidden
by an oracle to make war upon the Perinthians,
and if these latter, when the camps faced one
another, challenged them by name to fight,
then to venture on a battle, but if otherwise,
not to make the hazard. The Paeonians fol-
lowed the advice. Now the men of Perinthus
drew out to meet them in the skirts of their
city; and a threefold single combat was fought
on challenge given. Man to man, and horse to
horse, and dog to dog, was the strife waged;
and the Perinthians, winners of two combats
out of the three, in their joy had raised the
paean; when the Paeonians, struck by the
thought that this was what the oracle had
meant, passed the word one to another, say-
ing, "Now of a surety has the oracle been ful-
filled for us; now our work begins." Then the
Paeonians set upon the Perinthians in the midst
of their paean, and defeated them utterly, leav-
ing but few of them alive.

2. Such was the affair of the Paeonians,
which happened a long time previously. At
this time the Perinthians, after a brave struggle
for freedom, were overcome by numbers, and
yielded to Megabazus and his Persians. After
Perinthus had been brought under, Megabazus
led his host through Thrace, subduing to the
dominion of the king all the towns and all the
nations of those parts. For the king's com-
mand to him was that he should conquer
Thrace.

3. The Thracians are the most powerful
people in the world, except, of course, the In-
dians; and if they had one head, or were

agreed among themselves, it is my belief that
their match could not be found anywhere, and
that they would very far surpass all other na-
tions. But such union is impossible for them,
and there are no means of ever bringing it
about. Herein therefore consists their weak-
ness. The Thracians bear many names in the
different regions of their country, but all of
them have like usages in every respect, ex-
cepting only the Getae, the Trausi, and those
who dwell above the people of Creston.

4. Now the manners and customs of the
Getae, who believe in their immortality, I have
already spoken of. The Trausi in all else re-
semble the other Thracians, but have customs
at births and deaths which I will now describe.
When a child is born all its kindred sit round
about it in a circle and weep for the woes it
will have to undergo now that it is come into
the world, making mention of every ill that
falls to the lot of humankind; when, on the
other hand, a man has died, they bury him
with laughter and rejoicings, and say that now
he is free from a host of sufferings, and enjoys
the completest happiness.

5. The Thracians who live above the Cre-
stonaeans observe the following customs. Each
man among them has several wives; and no
sooner does a man die than a sharp contest en-
sues among the wives upon the question
which of them all the husband loved most
tenderly; the friends of each eagerly plead on
her behalf, and she to whom the honour is
adjudged, after receiving the praises both of
men and women, is slain over the grave by the
hand of her next of kin, and then buried with
her husband. The others are sorely grieved, for
nothing is considered such a disgrace.

6. The Thracians who do not belong to
these tribes have the customs which follow.
They sell their children to traders. On their
maidens they keep no watch, but leave them

160

THE HISTORY

161

altogether free, while on the conduct of their
wives they keep a most strict watch. Brides are
purchased of their parents for large sums of
money. Tattooing among them marks noble
birth, and the want of it low birth. To be idle
is accounted the most honourable thing, and
to be a tiller of the ground the most dishonour-
able. To live by war and plunder is of all
things the most glorious. These are the most
remarkable of their customs.

7. The gods which they worship are but
three, Mars, Bacchus, and Dian. Their kings,
however, unlike the rest of the citizens, wor-
ship Mercury more than any other god, always
swearing by his name, and declaring that they
are themselves sprung from him.

8. Their wealthy ones are buried in the fol-
lowing fashion. The body is laid out for three
days; and during this time they kill victims of
all kinds, and feast upon them, after first be-
wailing the departed. Then they either burn
the body or else bury it in the ground. Lastly,
they raise a mound over the grave, and hold
games of all sorts, wherein the single combat is
awarded the highest prize. Such is the mode of
burial among the Thracians.

9. As regards the region lying north of this
country no one can say with any certainty what
men inhabit it. It appears that you no sooner
cross the Ister than you enter on an intermin-
able wilderness. The only people of whom I
can hear as dwelling beyond the Ister are the
race named Sigynnae, who wear, they say, a
dress like the Medes, and have horses which
are covered entirely with a coat of shaggy
hair, five fingers in length. They are a small
breed, flat-nosed, and not strong enough to
bear men on their backs; but when yoked to
chariots, they are among the swiftest known,
which is the reason why the people of that
country use chariots. Their borders reach down
almost to the Eneti upon the Adriatic Sea, and
they call themselves colonists of the Medes; but
how they can be colonists of the Medes I for
my part cannot imagine. Still nothing is im-
possible in the long lapse of ages. Sigynnae is
the name which the Ligurians who dwell
above Massilia give to traders, while among the
Cyprians the word means spears.

10. According to the account which the
Thracians give, the country beyond the Ister is
possessed by bees, 1 on account of which it is
impossible to penetrate farther. But in this they
seem to me to say what has no likelihood; for
it is certain that those creatures are very im-

1 In reality, mosquitoes.

patient of cold. I rather believe that it is on
account of the cold that the regions which lie
under the Bear are without inhabitants. Such
then are the accounts given of this country, the
sea-coast whereof Megabazus was now em-
ployed in subjecting to the Persians.

11. King Darius had no sooner crossed the
Hellespont and reached Sardis, than he be-
thought himself of the good deed of Histiaeus
the Milesian, and the good counsel of the Myti-
lenean Goes. He therefore sent for both of
them to Sardis, and bade them each crave a
boon at his hands. Now Histiaeus, as he was
already king of Miletus, did not make request
for any government besides, but asked Darius
to give him Myrcinus of the Edonians, where
he wished to build him a city. Such was the
choice that Histiaeus made. Goes, on the other
hand, as he was a mere burgher, and not a
king, requested the sovereignty of Mytilene.
Both alike obtained their requests, and straight-
way betook themselves to the places which
they had chosen.

12. It chanced in the meantime that King
Darius saw a sight which determined him to
bid Megabazus remove the Paeomans from
their seats in Europe and transport them to
Asia. There were two Paeonians, Pigres and
Mantyes, whose ambition it was to obtain the
sovereignty over their countrymen. As soon
therefore as ever Darius crossed into Asia,
these men came to Sardis, and brought with
them their sister, who was a tall and beautiful
woman. Having so done, they waited till a day
came when the king sat in state in the suburb
of the Lydians; and then dressing their sister
in the richest gear they could, sent her to draw
water for them. She bore a pitcher upon her
head, and with one arm led a horse, while all
the way as she went she span flax. Now as she
passed by where the king was, Darius took
notice of her; for it was neither like the Per-
sians nor the Lydians, nor any of the dwellers
in Asia, to do as she did. Darius accordingly
noted her, and ordered some of his guard to
follow her steps, and watch to see what she
would do with the horse. So the spearmen
went; and the woman, when she came to the
river, first watered the horse, and then filling
the pitcher, came back the same way she had
gone, with the pitcher of water upon her head,
and the horse dragging upon her arm, while
she still kept twirling the spindle.

13. King Darius was full of wonder both at
what they who had watched the woman told
him, and at what he had himself seen. So he

162 HERODOTUS

commanded that she should be brought before
him. And the woman came; and with her ap-
peared her brothers, who had been watching
everything a little way off. Then Darius asked
them of what nation the woman was; and the
young men replied that they were Paeonians,
and she was their sister. Darius rejoined by
asking, "Who the Pseonians were, and in what
part of the world they lived? and, further,
what business had brought the young men to
Sardis?" Then the brothers told him they had
come to put themselves under his power, and
Paeonia was a country upon the river Strymon,
and the Strymon was at no great distance from
the Hellespont. The Paeonians, they said, were
colonists of the Teucnans from Troy. When
they had thus answered his questions, Darius
asked if all the women of their country worked
so hard? Then the brothers eagerly answered,
Yes; for this was the very object with which
the whole thing had been done.

14. So Darius wrote letters to Megabazus,
the commander whom he had left behind in
Thrace, and ordered him to remove the Paeoni-
ans from their own land, and bring them into
his presence, men, women, and children. And
straightway a horseman took the message, and
rode at speed to the Hellespont; and, crossing
it, gave the paper to Megabazus. Then Mega-
bazus, as soon as he had read it, and procured
guides from Thrace, made war upon Paeonia.

15. Now when the Paeonians heard that the
Persians were marching against them, they gath-
ered themselves together, and marched down
to the sea-coast, since they thought the Persians
would endeavour to enter their country on that
side. Here then they stood in readiness to op-
pose the army of Megabazus. But the Persians,
who knew that they had collected, and were
gone to keep guard at the pass near the sea, got
guides, and taking the inland route before the
Paeonians were aware, poured down upon
their cities, from which the men had all
marched out; and finding them empty, easily
got possession of them. Then the men, when
they heard that all their towns were taken,
scattered this way and that to their homes, and
gave themselves up to the Persians. And so
these tribes of the Paeonians, to wit, the Siropz-
onians, the Paeoplians, and all the others as far
as Lake Prasias, were torn from their seats and
led away into Asia.

1 6. They on the other hand who dwelt
about Mount Pangaeum and in the country of
the Doberes, the Agrianians, and the Odoman-
tians, and they likewise who inhabited Lake

[BooK v

Prasias, were not conquered by Megabazus.
He sought indeed to subdue the dwellers upon
the lake, but could not effect his purpose.
Their manner of living is the following. Plat-
forms supported upon tall piles stand in the
middle of the lake, which are approached from
the land by a single narrow bridge. At the first
the piles which bear up the platforms were
fixed in their places by the whole body of the
citizens, but since that time the custom which
has prevailed about fixing them is this: they
are brought from a hill called Orbelus, and
every man drives in three for each wife that he
marries. Now the men have all many wives
apiece; and this is the way in which they live.
Each has his own hut, wherein he dwells, upon
one of the platforms, and each has also a trap-
door giving access to the lake beneath; and
their wont is to tie their baby children by the
foot with a string, to save them from rolling
into the water. They feed their horses and
their other beasts upon fish, which abound in
the lake to such a degree that a man has only
to open his trap-door and to let down a basket
by a rope into the water, and then to wait a
very short time, when he draws it up quite
full of them. The fish are of two kinds, which
they call the paprax and the tilon.

17. The Paeonians therefore at least such
of them as had been conquered were led
away into Asia. As for Megabazus, he no soon-
er brought the Paeonians under, than he sent
into Macedonia an embassy of Persians, choos-
ing for the purpose the seven men of most note
in all the army after himself. These persons
were to go to Amyntas, and require him to
give earth and water to King Darius. Now
there is a very short cut from the Lake Prasias
across to Macedonia. Quite close to the lake is
the mine which yielded afterwards a talent of
silver a day to Alexander; and from this mine
you have only to cross the mountain called
Dys6rum to find yourself in the Macedonian
territory.

1 8. So the Persians sent upon this errand,
when they reached the court, and were
brought into the presence of Amyntas, re-
quired him to give earth and water to King
Darius. And Amyntas not only gave them
what they asked, but also invited them to
come and feast with him; after which he made
ready the board with great magnificence, and
entertained the Persians in right friendly fash-
ion. Now when the meal was over, and they
were all set to the drinking, the Persians said

"Dear Macedonian, we Persians have a cus-

14-22]

torn when we make a great feast to bring with
us to the board our wives and concubines, and
make them sit beside us. Now then, as thou
hast received us so kindly, and feasted us so
handsomely, and givest moreover earth and
water to King Darius, do also after our custom
in this matter."

Then Amyntas answered "O, Persians! we
have no such custom as this; but with us men
and women are kept apart. Nevertheless, since
you, who are our lords, wish it, this also shall
be granted to you."

When Amyntas had thus spoken, he bade
some go and fetch the women. And the wom-
en came at his call and took their seats in a
row over against the Persians. Then, when the
Persians saw that the women were fair and
comely, they spoke again to Amyntas and said,
that "what had been done was not wise; for it
had been better for the women not to have
come at all, than to come in this way, and not
sit by their sides, but remain over against
them, the torment of their eyes." So Amyntas
was forced to bid the women sit side by side
with the Persians. The women did as he or-
dered; and then the Persians, who had drunk
more than they ought, began to put their hands
on them, and one even tried to give the woman
next him a kiss.

19. King Amyntas saw, but he kept silence,
although sorely grieved, for he greatly feared
the power of the Persians. Alexander, however,
Amyntas' son, who was likewise there and
witnessed the whole, being a young man and
unacquainted with suffering, could not any
longer restrain himself. He therefore, full of
wrath, spake thus to Amyntas: "Dear father,
thou art old and shouldst spare thyself. Rise
up from table and go take thy rest; do not stay
out the drinking. I will remain with the guests
and give them all that is fitting."

Amyntas, who guessed that Alexander would
play some wild prank, made answer: "Dear
son, thy words sound to me as those of one who
is well nigh on fire, and I perceive thou sendest
me away that thou mayest do some wild deed.
I beseech thee make no commotion about
these men, lest thou bring us all to ruin, but
bear to look calmly on what they do. For my-
self, I will e'en withdraw as thou biddest me."

20. Amyntas, when he had thus besought
his son, went out; and Alexander said to the
Persians, "Look on these ladies as your own,
dear strangers, all or any of them only tell us
your wishes. But now, as the evening wears,
and I see you have all had wine enough, let

THE HISTORY

163

them, if you please, retire, and when they have
bathed they shall come back again." To this
the Persians agreed, and Alexander, having got
the women away, sent them off to the harem,
and made ready in their room an equal num-
ber of beardless youths, whom he dressed in
the garments of the women, and then, arming
them with daggers, brought them in to the
Persians, saying as he introduced them, "Me-
thinks, dear Persians, that your entertainment
has fallen short in nothing. We have set before
you all that we had ourselves in store, and all
that we could anywhere find to give you and
now, to crown the whole, we make over to
you our sisters and our mothers, that you may
perceive yourselves to be entirely honoured by
us, even as you deserve to be and also that
you may take back word to the king who sent
you here, that there was one man, a Greek,
the satrap of Macedonia, by whom you were
both feasted and lodged handsomely." So
speaking, Alexander set by the side of each
Persian one of those whom he had called Mac-
edonian women, but who were in truth men.
And these men, when the Persians began to be
rude, despatched them with their daggers.

21. So the ambassadors perished by this
death, both they and also their followers. For
the Persians had brought a great train with
them, carriages, and attendants, and baggage
of every kind all of which disappeared at the
same time as the men themselves. Not very
long afterwards the Persians made strict search
for their lost embassy; but Alexander, with
much wisdom, hushed up the business, brib-
ing those sent on the errand, partly with
money, and partly with the gift of his own
sister Gygaea, whom he gave in marriage to
Bubares, a Persian, the chief leader of the ex-

pedition which came in search of the lost men.
Thus the death of these Persians was hushed
up, and no more was said of it.

22. Now that the men of this family are
Greeks, sprung from Perdiccas, as they them-
selves affirm, is a thing which I can declare of
my own knowledge, and which I will here-
after make plainly evident. That they are so
has been already adjudged by those who man-
age the Pan-Hellenic contest at Olympia. For
when Alexander wished to contend in the
games, and had come to Olympia with no
other view, the Greeks who were about to run
against him would have excluded him from
the contest saying that Greeks only were al-
lowed to contend, and not barbarians. But Al-
exander proved himself to be an Argive, and

164

HERODOTUS

[BOOK v

was distinctly adjudged a Greek; after which
he entered the lists for the foot-race, and was
drawn to run in the first pair. Thus was this
matter settled.

23. Megabazus, having reached the Helles-
pont with the Paeonians, crossed it, and went up
to Sardis. He had become aware while in Eu-
rope that Histiaeus the Milesian was raising a
wall at Myrcinus the town upon the Strymon
which he had obtained from King Darius as
his guerdon for keeping the bridge. No sooner
therefore did he reach Sardis with the Paeoni-
ans than he said to Danus, "What mad thing
is this that thou hast done, sire, to let a Greek,
a wise man and a shrewd, get hold of a town
in Thrace, a place too where there is abun-
dance of timber fit for shipbuilding, and oars
in plenty, and mines of silver, and about which
are many dwellers both Greek and barbarian,
ready enough to take him for their chief, and
by day and night to do his bidding! I pray thee
make this man cease his work, if thou
wouldest not be entangled in a war with thine
own followers. Stop him, but with a gentle
message, only bidding him to come to thee.
Then when thou once hast him in thy power,
be sure thou take good care that he never get
back to Greece again/'

24. With these words Megabazus easily per-
suaded Darius, who thought he had shown
true foresight in this matter. Darius therefore
sent a messenger to Myrcinus, who said,
"These be the words of the king to thee, O His-
tiaeus' I have looked to find a man well affec-
tioned towards me and towards my greatness;
and I have found none whom I can trust like
thee. Thy deeds, and not thy words only, have
proved thy love for me. Now then, since I have
a mighty enterprise in hand, I pray thee come
to me, that I may show thee what I purpose!"

Histiaeus, when he heard this, put faith in
the words of the messenger; and, as it seemed
to him a grand thing to be the king's counsel-
lor, he straightway went up to Sardis. Then
Darius, when he was come, said to him, "Dear
Histiaeus, hear why I have sent for thee. No
sooner did I return from Scythia, and lose thee
out of my sight, than I longed, as I have never
longed for aught else, to behold thee once
more, and to interchange speech with thee.
Right sure I am there is nothing in all the
world so precious as a friend who is at once
wise and true: both which thou art, as I have
had good proof in what thou hast already done
for me. Now then 'tis well thou art come; for
look, I have an offer to make to thee. Let go

Miletus and thy newly-founded town in
Thrace, and come with me up to Susa; share
all that I have; live with me, and be my coun-
sellor.

25. When Darius had thus spoken he made
Artaphernes, his brother by the father's side,
governor of Sardis, and taking Histiaeus with
him, went up to Susa. He left as general of all
the troops upon the sea-coast Otanes, son of
Sisamnes, whose father King Cambyses slew
and flayed, because that he, being of the num-
ber of the royal judges, had taken money to
give an unrighteous sentence. Therefore Cam-
byses slew and flayed Sisamnes, and cutting his
skin into strips, stretched them across the seat
of the throne whereon he had been wont to sit
when he heard causes. Having so done Cam-
byses appointed the son of Sisamnes to be
judge in his father's room, and bade him never
forget in what way his seat was cushioned.

26. Accordingly this Otanes, who had oc-
cupied so strange a throne, became the succes-
sor of Megabazus in his command, and took
first of all Byzantium and Chalcedon, then
Antandrus in the Troas, and next Lamponi-
um. This done, he borrowed ships of the Les-
bians, and took Lemnos and Imbrus, which
were still inhabited by Pelasgians.

27. Now the Lemnians stood on their de-
fence, and fought gallantly; but they were
brought low in course of time. Such as out-
lived the struggle were placed by the Persians
under the government of Lycaretus, the broth-
er of that Maeandrius who was tyrant of Samos.
(This Lycaretus died afterwards in his govern-
ment.) The cause which Otanes alleged for
conquering and enslaving all these nations
was that some had refused to join the king's
army against Scythia, while others had mo-
lested the host on its return. Such were the ex-
ploits which Otanes performed in his com-
mand.

28. Afterwards, but for no long time, there
was a respite from suffering. Then from Na-
zos and Miletus troubles gathered anew about
Ionia. Now Naxos at this time surpassed all
the other islands in prosperity, and Miletus
had reached the height of her power, and was
the glory of Ionia. But previously for two gen-
erations the Milesians had suffered grievously
from civil disorders, which were composed by
the Parians, whom the Milesians chose before
all the rest of the Greeks to rearrange their
government.

29. Now the way in which the Parians
healed their differences was the following. A

THE HISTORY

165

number of the chief Parians came to Miletus,
and when they saw in how ruined a condition
the Milesians were, they said that they would
like first to go over their country. So they went
through all Milesia, and on their way, when-
ever they saw in the waste and desolate country
any N land that was well farmed, they took
down\the names of the owners in their tablets;
and having thus gone through the whole re-
gion, a\nd obtained after all but few names,
they cajled the people together on their return
to Mildtus, and made proclamation that they
gave tme government into the hands of those
person^ whose lands they had found well
farmed; for they thought it likely (they said)
that /the same persons who had managed their
owtf affairs well would likewise conduct aright
the 7 business of the state. The other Milesians,
who in time past had been at variance, they
placed under the rule of these men. Thus was
the Milesian government set in order by the
Parians.

30. It was, however, from the two cities
above mentioned that troubles began now to
gather again about Ionia; and this is the way
in which they arose. Certain of the rich men
had been banished from Naxos by the com-
monalty, and, upon their banishment, had fled
to Miletus. Aristagoras, son of Molpagoras, the
nephew and likewise the son-in-law of Histiae-
us, son of Lysagoras, who was still kept by
Darius at Susa, happened to be regent of Mile-
tus at the time of their coming. For the kingly
power belonged to Histiaeus; but he was at
Susa when the Naxians came. Now these Nax-
ians had in times past been bond-friends of
Histiaeus; and so on their arrival at Miletus
they addressed themselves to Aristagoras and
begged him to lend them such aid as his abil-
ity allowed, in hopes thereby to recover their
country. Then Aristagoras, considering with
himself that, if the Naxians should be restored
by his help, he would be lord of Naxos, put for-
ward the friendship with Histiaeus to cloak
his views, and spoke as follows:

"I cannot engage to furnish you with such
a power as were needful to force you, against
their will, upon the Naxians who hold the
city; for I know they can bring into the field
eight thousand bucklers, and have also a vast
number of ships of war. But I will do all that
lies in my power to get you some aid, and I
think I can manage it in this way. Artaphernes
happens to be my friend. Now he is a son of
Hystaspes, and brother to King Darius. All
the sea-coast of Asia is under him, and he has

a numerous army and numerous ships. I think
I can prevail on him to do what we require."

When the Naxians heard this, they empow-
ered Aristagoras to manage the matter for
them as well as he could, and told him to
promise gifts and pay for the soldiers, which
(they said) they would readily furnish, since
they had great hope that the Naxians, so soon
as they saw them returned, would render them
obedience, and likewise the other islanders.
For at that time not one of the Cyclades was
subject to King Darius.

31. So Aristagoras went to Sardis and told
Artaphernes that Naxos was an island of no
great size, but a fair land and fertile, lying
near Ionia, and containing much treasure and
a vast number of slaves. "Make war then upon
this land (he said) and reinstate the exiles; for
if thou wilt do this, first of all, I have very rich
gifts in store for thee (besides the cost of the
armament, which it is fair that we who are the
authors of the war should pay); and, secondly,
thou wilt bring under the power of the king
not only Naxos but the other islands which de-
pend on it, as Paros, Andros, and all the rest
of the Cyclades. And when thou hast gained
these, thou mayest easily go on against Euboea,
which is a large and wealthy island not less in
size than Cyprus, and very easy to bring un-
der. A hundred ships were quite enough to
subdue the whole." The other answered
"Truly thou art the author of a plan which
may much advantage the house of the king,
and thy counsel is good in all points except the
number of the ships. Instead of a hundred, two
hundred shall be at thy disposal when the
spring comes. But the king himself must first
approve the undertaking."

32. When Aristagoras heard this he was
greatly rejoiced, and went home in good heart
to Miletus. And Artaphernes, after he had sent
a messenger to Susa to lay the plans of Arista-
goras before the king, and received his ap-
proval of the undertaking, made ready a fleet
of two hundred triremes and a vast army of
Persians and their confederates. The command
of these he gave to a Persian named Mega-
bates, who belonged to the house of the Achae-
menids, being nephew both to himself and to
King Darius. It was to a daughter of this man
that Pausanias the Lacedaemonian, the son of
Cleombrotus (if at least there be any truth in
the tale), was affianced many years afterwards,
when he conceived the desire of becoming ty-
rant of Greece. Artaphernes now, having
named Megabates to the command, sent for-

166

HERODOTUS

ward the armament to Aristagoras.

33. Megabates set sail, and, touching at
Miletus, took on hoard Aristagoras with the
Ionian troops and the Naxians; after which he
steered, as he gave out, for the Hellespont; and
when he reached Chios, he brought the fleet to
anchor off Caucasa, being minded to wait there
for a north wind, and then sail straight to
Naxos. The Naxians however were not to per-
ish at this time; and so the following events
were brought about. As Megabates went his
rounds to visit the watches on board the ships,
he found a Myndian vessel upon which there
was none set. Full of anger at such carelessness,
he bade his guards to seek out the captain, one
Scylax by name, and thrusting him through
one of the holes in the ship's side, to fasten him
there in such a way that his head might show
outside the vessel, while his body remained
within. When Scylax was thus fastened, one
went and informed Aristagoras that Mega-
bates had bound his Myndian friend and was
entreating him shamefully. So he came and
asked Megabates to let the man off; but the
Persian refused him; whereupon Aristagoras
went himself and set Scylax free. When Mega-
bates heard this he was still more angry than
before, and spoke hotly to Aristagoras. Then
the latter said to him

"What has thou to do with these matters?
Wert thou not sent here by Artaphernes to
obey me, and to sail whithersoever I ordered?
Why dost meddle so?"

Thus spake Aristagoras. The other, in high
dudgeon at such language, waited till the
night, and then despatched a boat to Naxos,
to warn the Naxians of the coming danger.

34. Now the Naxians up to this time had
not had any suspicion that the armament was
directed against them; as soon, therefore, as
the message reached them, forthwith they
brought within their walls all that they had in
the open field, and made themselves ready
against a siege by provisioning their town both
with food and drink. Thus was Naxos placed
in a posture of defence; and the Persians, when
they crossed the sea from Chios, found the
Naxians fully prepared for them. However
they sat down before the place, and besieged it
for four whole months. When at length all the
stores which they had brought with them were
exhausted, and Aristagoras had likewise spent
upon the siege no small sum from his private
means, and more was still needed to insure
success, the Persians gave up the attempt, and
first building certain forts, wherein they left

[BooK v

the banished Naxians, withdrew to the main-
land, having utterly failed in their undertak-
ing.

35. And now Aristagoras found himself
quite unable to make good his promises to
Artaphernes; nay, he was even hard pressed
to meet the claims whereto he was liable for
the pay of the troops; and at the same time his
fear was great, lest, owing to the failure of the
expedition and his own quarrel with Mega-
bates, he should be ousted from the govern-
ment of Miletus. These manifold alarms had
already caused him to contemplate raising a
rebellion, when the man with the marked head
came from Susa, bringing him instructions on
the part of Histiaeus to revolt from the king.
For Histiaeus, when he was anxious to give
Aristagoras orders to revolt, could find but one
safe way, as the roads were guarded, of mak-
ing his wishes known; which was by taking
the trustiest of his slaves, shaving all the hair
from off his head, and then pricking letters
upon the skin, and waiting till the hair grew
again. Thus accordingly he did; and as soon as
ever the hair was grown, he despatched the
man to Miletus, giving him no other message
than this "When thou art come to Miletus,
bid Aristagoras shave thy head, and look there-
on." Now the marks on the head, as I have al-
ready mentioned, were a command to revolt.
All this Histiaeus did because it irked him
greatly to be kept at Susa, and because he had
strong hopes that, if troubles broke out, he
would be sent down to the coast to quell them,
whereas, if Miletus made no movement, he did
not see a chance of his ever again returning
thither.

36. Such, then, were the views which led
Histiaeus to despatch his messenger; and it so
chanced that all these several motives to revolt
were brought to bear upon Aristagoras at one
and the same time.

Accordingly, at this conjuncture Aristagoras
held a council of his trusty friends, and laid
the business before them, telling them both
what he had himself purposed, and what mes-
sage had been sent him by Histiaeus. At this
council all his friends were of the same way of
thinking, and recommended revolt, except
only Hecatauis the historian. He, first of all,
advised them by all means to avoid engaging in
war with the king of the Persians, whose
might he set forth, and whose subject nations
he enumerated. As however he could not in-
duce them to listen to this counsel, he next ad-
vised that they should do all that lay in their

33-42]

THE HISTORY

167

power to make themselves masters of the sea.
"There was one only way," he said, "so far as
he could see, of their succeeding in this. Mile-
tus was, he knew, a weak state but if the
treasures in the temple at Branchidae, which
Croesus the Lydian gave to it, were seized, he
had strong hopes that the mastery of the sea
might be thereby gained; at least it would give
them money to begin the war, and would save
the treasures from falling into the hands of the
enemy." Now these treasures were of very
great value, as I showed in the first part of my
History. The assembly, however, rejected the
counsel of Hecataeus, while, nevertheless, they
resolved upon a revolt. One of their number,
it was agreed, should sail to Myus, where the
fleet had been lying since its return from Nax-
os, and endeavour to seize the captains who
had gone there with the vessels.

37. latragoras accordingly was despatched
on this errand, and he took with guile Oliatus
the son of Ibanolis the Mylassian, and Histiae-
us the son of Tymnes the Termerean Goes
likewise, the son of Erxander, to whom Darius
gave Mytilene, and Aristagoras the son of Her-
aclides the Cymaean, and also many others.
Thus Aristagoras revolted openly from Dari-
us; and now he set to work to scheme against
him in every possible way. First of all, in or-
der to induce the Milesians to join heartily in
the revolt, he gave out that he laid down his
own lordship over Miletus, and in lieu thereof
established a commonwealth: after which,
throughout all Ionia he did the like; for from
some of the cities he drove out their tyrants,
and to others, whose goodwill he hoped there-
by to gain, he handed theirs over, thus giving
up all the men whom he had seized at the Nax-
ian fleet, each to the city whereto he belonged.

38. Now the Mytileneans had no sooner got
Goes into their power, than they led him forth
from the city and stoned him; the Cymaeans,
on the other hand, allowed their tyrant to go
free; as likewise did most of the others. And
so this form of government ceased throughout
all the cities. Aristagoras the Milesian, after he
had in this way put down the tyrants, and
bidden the cities choose themselves captains in
their room, sailed away himself on board a
trireme to Lacedaemon; for he had great need
of obtaining the aid of some powerful ally.

39. At Sparta, Anaxandridas the son of Leo
was no longer king: he had died, and his son
Cleomenes had mounted the throne, not how-
ever by right of merit, but of birth. Anaxan-
dridas took to wife his own sister's daughter,

and was tenderly attached to her; but no chil-
dren came from the marriage. Hereupon the
Ephors called him before them, and said "If
thou hast no care for thine own self, neverthe-
less we cannot allow this, nor suffer the race
of Eurysthenes to die out from among us.
Come then, as thy present wife bears thee no
children, put her away, and wed another. So
wilt thou do what is well-pleasing to the Spar-
tans." Anaxandridas however refused to do as
they required, and said it was no good advice
the Ephors gave, to bid him put away his wife
when she had done no wrong, and take to him-
self another. He therefore declined to obey
them.

40. Then the Ephors and Elders took coun-
sel together, and laid this proposal before the
king: "Since thou art so fond, as we see thee
to be, of thy present wife, do what we now ad-
vise, and gainsay us not, lest the Spartans make
some unwonted decree concerning thee. We
ask thee not now to put away thy wife to
whom thou art married give her still the
same love and honour as ever but take thee
another wife beside, who may bear thee chil-
dren."

When he heard this offer, Anaxandridas
gave way and henceforth he lived with two
wives in two separate houses, quite against all
Spartan custom.

41. In a short time, the wife whom he had
last married bore him a son, who received the
name of Cleomenes; and so the heir to the
throne was brought into the world by her. Af-
ter this, the first wife also, who in time past
had been barren, by some strange chance con-
ceived, and came to be with child. Then the
friends of the second wife, when they heard a
rumour of the truth, made a great stir, and
said it was a false boast, and she meant, they
were sure, to bring forward as her own a sup-
posititious child. So they raised an outcry
against her; and therefore, when her full time
was come, the Ephors, who were themselves
incredulous, sat round her bed, and kept a
strict watch on the labour. At this time then
she bore Dorieus, and after him, quickly, Le-
onidas, and after him, again quickly, Cleom-
brotus. Some even say that Leonidas and Cle-
ombrotus were twins. On the other hand, the
second wife, the mother of Cleomenes (who
was a daughter of Prinetadas, the son of Dc-
marmenus), never gave birth to a second
child.

42. Now Cleomenes, it is said, was not right
in his mind; indeed he verged upon madness;

168

HERODOTUS

[ BOOK v

while Dorieus surpassed all his co-mates, and
looked confidently to receiving the kingdom
on the score of merit. When, therefore, after
the death of Anaxandridas, the Spartans kept
to the law, and made Cleomenes, his eldest son,
king in his room, Dorieus, who had imagined
that he should be chosen, and who could not
bear the thought of having such a man as Cle-
omenes to rule over him, asked the Spartans to
give him a body of men, and left Sparta with
them in order to found a colony. However, he
neither took counsel of the oracle at Delphi as
to the place whereto he should go, nor observed
any of the customary usages; but left Sparta
in dudgeon, and sailed away to Libya, under
the guidance of certain men who were Therae-
ans. These men brought him to Cinyps, where
he colonised a spot, which has not its equal in
all Libya, on the banks of a river: but from
this place he was driven in the third year by
the Macians, the Libyans, and the Carthagini-
ans.

43. Dorieus returned to the Peloponnese;
whereupon Antichares the Eleonian gave him
a counsel (which he got from the oracle of
Lai'us), to "found the city of Heraclea in Sic-
ily; the whole country of Eryx belonged," he
said, "to the Heraclcids, since Hercules him-
self conquered it." On receiving this advice,
Dorieus went to Delphi to inquire of the ora-
cle whether he would take the place to which
he was about to go. The Pythoness prophesied
that he would; whereupon Dorieus went back
to Libya, took up the men who had sailed with
him at the first, and proceeded upon his way
along the shores of Italy.

44. Just at this time, the Sybarites say, they
and their king Telys were about to make war
upon Crotona, and the Crotoniats, greatly
alarmed, besought Dorieus to lend them aid.
Dorieus was prevailed upon, bore part in the
war against Sybaris, and had a share in taking
the town. Such is the account which the Syba-
rites give of what was done by Dorieus and
his companions. The Crotoniats, on the other
hand, maintain that no foreigner lent them aid
in their war against the Sybarites, save and ex-
cept Callias the Elean, a soothsayer of the race
of the lamidae; and he only forsook Telys the
Sybaritic king, and deserted to their side, when
he found on sacrificing that the victims were
not favourable to an attack on Crotona. Such
is the account which each party gives of these
matters.

45. Both parties likewise adduce testimonies
to the truth of what they say. The Sybarites

show a temple and sacred precinct near the dry
stream of the Crastis, which they declare that
Dorieus, after taking their city, dedicated to
Minerva Crastias. And further, they bring for-
ward the death of Dorieus as the surest proof;
since he fell, they say, because he disobeyed the
oracle. For had he in nothing varied from the
directions given him, but confined himself to
the business on which he was sent, he would
assuredly have conquered the Erycian terri-
tory, and kept possession of it, instead of per-
ishing with all his followers. The Crotoniats,
on the other hand, point to the numerous allot-
ments within their borders which were as-
signed to Callias the Elean by their country-
men, and which to my day remained in the
possession of his family; while Dorieus and his
descendants (they remark) possess nothing.
Yet if Dorieus had really helped them in the
Sybaritic war, he would have received very
much more than Callias. Such are the testi-
monies which are adduced on either side; it
is open to every man to adopt whichever view
he deems the best.

46. Certain Spartans accompanied Dorieus
on his voyage as co-founders, to wit, Thes-
salus, Paraebates, Celeas, and Euryleon. These
men and all the troops under their command
reached Sicily; but there they fell in a battle
wherein they were defeated by the Egestaeans
and Phoenicians, only one, Euryleon, surviv-
ing the disaster. He then, collecting the rem-
nants of the beaten army, made himself master
of Minoa, the Selinusian colony, and helped
the Selinusians to throw off the yoke of their
tyrant Peithagoras. Having upset Peithagoras,
he sought to become tyrant in his room, and he
even reigned at Selinus for a brief space but
after a while the Selinusians rose up in revolt
against him, and though he fled to the altar of
Jupiter Agorxus, they notwithstanding put
him to death.

47. Another man who accompanied Dorieus,
and died with him, was Philip the son of Buta-
cidas, a man of Crotona; who, after he had
been betrothed to a daughter of Telys the Syb-
arite, was banished from Crotona, whereupon
his marriage came to nought; and he in his dis-
appointment took ship and sailed to Cyrene.
From thence he became a follower of Dorieus,
furnishing to the fleet a trireme of his own, the
crew of which he supported at his own charge.
This Philip was an Olympian victor, and the
handsomest Greek of his day. His beauty
gained him honours at the hands of the Egest-
;eans which they never accorded to any one

THE HISTORY

169

else; for they raised a hero-temple over his
grave, and they still worship him with sacri-
fices.

48. Such then was the end of Dorieus, who
if he had brooked the rule of Cleomenes, and
remained in Sparta, would have been king of
Lacedaemon; since Cleomenes, after reigning
no great length of time, died without male off-
spring, leaving behind him an only daughter,
by name Gorgo.

49. Cleomenes, however, was still -king
when Aristagoras, tyrant of Miletus, reached
Sparta. At their interview, Aristagoras, accord-
ing to the report of the Lacedaemonians, pro-
duced a bronze tablet, whereupon the whole
circuit of the earth was engraved, with all its
seas and rivers. Discourse began between the
two; and Aristagoras addressed the Spartan
king in these words following: "Think it not
strange, O King Cleomenes, that I have been
at the pains to sail hither; for the posture of
affairs, which I will now recount unto thee,
made it fitting. Shame and grief is it indeed
to none so much as to us, that the sons of the
lonians should have lost their freedom, and
come to be the slaves of others; but yet it
touches you likewise, O Spartans, beyond the
rest of the Greeks, inasmuch as the pre-emi-
nence over all Greece appertains to you. We
beseech you, therefore, by the common gods
of the Grecians, deliver the lonians, who are
your own kinsmen, from slavery. Truly the
task is not difficult; for the barbarians are an
unwarlikc people; and you are the best and
bravest warriors in the whole world. Their
mode of fighting is the following: they use
bows and arrows and a short spear; they wear
trousers in the field, and cover their heads with
turbans. So easy are they to vanquish! Know
too that the dwellers in these parts have more
good things than all the rest of the world put
together gold, and silver, and brass, and em-
broidered garments, beasts of burthen, and
bond-servants all which, if you only wish it,
you may soon have for your own. The nations
border on one another, in the order which I
will now explain. Next to these lonians" (here
he pointed with his finger to the map of the
world which was engraved upon the tablet
that he had brought with him) "these Lydians
dwell; their soil is fertile, and few people are
so rich in silver. Next to them," he continued,
"come these Phrygians, who have more flocks
and herds than any race that I know, and
more plentiful harvests. On them border the
Cappadocians, whom we Greeks know by the

name of Syrians: they are neighbours to the
Cilicians, who extend all the way to this sea,
where Cyprus (the island which you see here)
lies. The Cilicians pay the king a yearly tribute
of five hundred talents. Next to them come the
Armenians, who live here they too have nu-
merous flocks and herds. After them come the
Matieni, inhabiting this country; then Cissia,
this province, where you see the river Cho-
aspes marked, and likewise the town Susa
upon its banks, where the Great King holds
his court, and where the treasuries are in
which his wealth is stored. Once masters of
this city, you may be bold to vie with Jove him-
self for riches. In the wars which ye wage with
your rivals of Messenia, with them of Argos
likewise and of Arcadia, about paltry bounda-
ries and strips of land not so remarkably good,
ye contend with those who have no gold, nor
silver even, which often give men heart to
fight and die. Must ye wage such wars, and
when ye might so easily be lords of Asia, will
ye decide otherwise?" Thus spoke Aristagoras;
and Cleomenes replied to him, "Milesian
stranger, three days hence I will give thee an
answer."

50. So they proceeded no further at that
time. When, however, the day appointed for
the answer came, and the two once more met,
Cleomenes asked Aristagoras, "how many
days' journey it was from the sea of the lonians
to the king's residence?" Hereupon Arista-
goras, who had managed the rest so cleverly,
and succeeded in deceiving the king, tripped
in his speech and blundered; for instead of
concealing the truth, as he ought to have done
if he wanted to induce the Spartans to cross
into Asia, he said plainly that it was a journey
of three months. Cleomenes caught at the
words, and, preventing Aristagoras from fin-
ishing what he had begun to say concerning
the road, addressed him thus: "Milesian
stranger, quit Sparta before sunset. This is no
good proposal that thou makest to the Lacedae-
monians, to conduct them a distance of three
months' journey from the sea." When he had
thus spoken, Cleomenes went to his home.

51. But Aristagoras took an olive-bough in
his hand, and hastened to the king's house,
where he was admitted by reason of his sup-
pliant's guise. Gorgo, the daughter of Cleo-
menes, and his only child, a girl of about eight
or nine years of age, happened to be there,
standing by her father's side. Aristagoras, sec-
ing her, requested Cleomenes to send her out
of the room before he began to speak with

170

HERODOTUS

him; but Cleomenes told him to say on, and
not mind the child. So Aristagoras began with
a promise of ten talents if the king would
grant him his request, and when Cleomenes
shook his head, contined to raise his offer till
it reached fifty talents; whereupon the child
spoke: "Father," she said, "get up and go, or
the stranger will certainly corrupt thee." Then
Cleomenes, pleased at the warning of his child,
withdrew and went into another room. Arista-
goras quitted Sparta for good, not being able
to discourse any more concerning the road
which led up to the king.

52. Now the true account of the road in
question is the following: Royal stations ex-
ist along its whole length, and excellent cara-
vanserais; and throughout, it traverses an in-
habited tract, and is free from danger. In Lyd-
ia and Phrygia there are twenty stations within
a distance of 94 1 / 2 parasangs. On leaving Phry-
gia the Halys has to be crossed; and here are
gates through which you must needs pass ere
you can traverse the stream. A strong force
guards this post. When you have made the
passage, and are come into Cappadocia, 28
stations and 104 parasangs bring you to the
borders of Cilicia, where the road passes
through two sets of gates, at each of which
there is a guard posted. Leaving these behind,
you go on through Cilicia, where you find
three stations in a distance of 15% parasangs.
The boundary between Cilicia and Armenia is
the river Euphrates, which it is necessary to
cross in boats. In Armenia the resting-places
are 15 in number, and the distance is 56^2
parasangs. There is one place where a guard is
posted. Four large streams intersect this dis-
trict, all of which have to be crossed by means
of boats. The first of these is the Tigris; the
second and the third have both of them the
same name, though they are not only different
rivers, but do not even run from the same place.
For the one which I have called the first of
the two has its source in Armenia, while the
other flows afterwards out of the country of
the Matienians. The fourth of the streams is
called the Gyndes, and this is the river which
Cyrus dispersed by digging for it three hun-
dred and sixty channels. Leaving Armenia and
entering the Matienian country, you have four
stations; these passed you find yourself in Cis-
sia, where eleven stations and 42^2 parasangs
bring you to another navigable stream, the
Choaspes, on the banks of which the city of
Susa is built. Thus the entire number of the
stations is raised to one hundred and eleven;

[BooR v

and so many are in fact the resting-places that
one finds between Sardis and Susa.

53. If then the royal road be measured
aright, and the parasang equals, as it does, thir-
ty furlongs, the whole distance from Sardis to
the palace of Memnon (as it is called),
amounting thus to 450 parasangs, would be
13,500 furlongs. Travelling then at the rate of
150 furlongs a day, one will take exactly ninety
days to perform the journey.

54. Thus when Aristagoras the Milesian
told Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian that it was
a three months' journey from the sea up to the
king, he said no more than the truth. The ex-
act distance (if any one desires still greater ac-
curacy) is somewhat more; for the journey
from Ephesus to Sardis must be added to the
foregoing account; and this will make the
whole distance between the Greek Sea and
Susa (or the city of Memnon, as it is called)
14,040 furlongs; since Ephesus is distant from
Sardis 540 furlongs. This would add three
days to the three months' journey.

55. When Aristagoras left Sparta he has-
tened to Athens, which had got quit of its ty-
rants in the way that I will now describe. After
the death of Hipparchus (the son of Pisistratus,
and brother of the tyrant Hippias), who, in
spite of the clear warning he had received con-
cerning his fate in a dream, was slain by Har-
modius and Aristogeiton (men both of the
race of the Gephyraeans), the oppression of the
Athenians continued by the space of four
years; and they gained nothing, but were
worse used than before.

56. Now the dream of Hipparchus was the
following: The night before the Panathenaic
festival, he thought he saw in his sleep a tall
and beautiful man, who stood over him, and
read him the following riddle:

Bear thou unbearable woes with the all-bearing

heart of a lion;
'Never, be sure, shall wrong-doer escape the reward

of wrong-doing.

As soon as day dawned he sent and submitted
his dream to the interpreters, after which he
offered the averting sacrifices, and then went
and led the procession in which he perished.

57. The family of the Gephyraeans, to which
the murderers of Hipparchus belonged, ac-
cording to their own account, came originally
from Eretria. My inquiries, however, have
made it clear to me that they are in reality
Phoenicians, descendants of those who came
with Cadmus into the country now called Bce-
otia. Here they received for their portion the

5*63]

THE HISTORY

171

district of Tanagra, in which they afterwards
dwelt. On their expulsion from this country by
the Boeotians (which happened some time af-
ter that of the Cadmeians from the same parts
by the Argives) they took refuge at Athens.
The Athenians received them among their cit-
izens upon set terms, whereby they were ex-
cluded from a number of privileges which are
not worth mentioning.

58. Now the Phoenicians who came with
Cadmus, and to whom the Gephyraei be-
longed, introduced into Greece upon their ar-
rival a great variety of arts, among the rest that
of writing, whereof the Greeks till then had,
as I think, been ignorant. And originally they
shaped their letters exactly like all the other
Phoenicians, but afterwards, in course of time,
they changed by degrees their language, and
together with it the form likewise of their
characters. Now the Greeks who dwelt about
those parts at that time were chiefly the loni-
ans. The Phoenician letters were accordingly
adopted by them, but with some variation in
the shape of a few, and so they arrived at the
present use, still calling the letters Phoenician,
as justice required, after the name of those
who were the first to introduce them into
Greece. Paper rolls also were called from of
old "parchments" by the lonians, because for-
merly when paper was scarce they used, in-
stead, the skins of sheep and goats on which
material many of the barbarians are even now
wont to write.

59. I myself saw Cadmeian characters en-
graved upon some tripods in the temple of
Apollo Ismenias in Boeotian Thebes, most of
them shaped like the Ionian. One of the tri-
pods has the inscription following:

Me did Amphitryon place, jrom the jar Teleboans
coming.

This would be about the age of Lams, the son
of Labdacus, the son of Polydorus, the son of
Cadmus.

60. Another of the tripods has this legend
in the hexameter measure:

/ to jar-shooting Phoebus was offered by Scaus

the boxer,
When he had won at the games a wondrous

beautiful offering.

This might be Scaeus, the son of Hippocoon;
and the tripod, if dedicated by him, and not by
another of the same name, would belong to
the time of GEdipus, the son of Lams.

61. The third tripod has also an inscription
in hex3,m#ers, which runs thus:

King Laodamas gave this tripod to jar-seeing

Phccbus,

When he was set on the throne a wondrous

beautiful offering.

It was in the reign of this Laodamas, the son
of Eteocles, that the Cadmeians were driven
by the Argives out of their country, and found
a shelter with the Encheleans. The Gephyrae-
ans at that time remained in the country, but
afterwards they retired before the Boeotians,
and took refuge at Athens, where they have a
number of temples for their separate use,
which the other Athenians are not allowed to
enter among the rest, one of Achaean Ceres,
in whose honour they likewise celebrate special
orgies.

62. Having thus related the dream which
Hipparchus saw, and traced the descent of the
Gephyraeans, the family whereto his murder-
ers belonged, I must proceed with the matter
whereof I was intending before to speak; to
wit, the way in which the Athenians got quit
of their tyrants. Upon the death of Hippar-
chus, Hippias, who was king, grew harsh to-
wards the Athenians; and the Alcmaeonidae, an
Athenian family which had been banished by
the Pisistratidae, joined the other exiles, and
endeavoured to procure their own return, and
to free Athens, by force. They seized and forti-
fied Leipsydrium above Paeonia, and tried to
gain their object by arms; but great disasters
befell them, and their purpose remained unac-
complished. They therefore resolved to shrink
from no contrivance that might bring them
success; and accordingly they contracted with
the Amphictyons to build the temple which
now stands at Delphi, but which in those days
did not exist. Having done this, they proceed-
ed, being men of great wealth and members of
an ancient and distinguished family, to build
the temple much more magnificently than the
plan obliged them. Besides other improvements,
instead of the coarse stone whereof by the con-
tract the temple was to have been constructed,
they made the facings of Parian marble.

63. These same men, if we may believe the
Athenians, during their stay at Delphi per-
suaded the Pythoness by a bribe to tell the
Spartans, whenever any of them came to con-
sult the oracle, either on their own private
affairs or on the business of the state, that they
must free Athens. So the Lacedaemonians,
when they found no answer ever returned to
them but this, sent at last Anchimolius, the son
of Aster a man of note among their citizens
at the head of an army against Athens, with

172

HERODOTUS

orders to drive out the Pisistratidae, albeit they
were bound to them by the closest ties of friend-
ship. For they esteemed the things of heaven
more highly than the things of men. The troops
went by sea and were conveyed in transports.
Anchimolius brought them to an anchorage at
Phalerum; and there the men disembarked.
But the Pisistratida?, who had previous knowl-
edge of their intentions, had sent to Thessaly,
between which country and Athens there was
an alliance, with a request for aid. The Thes-
salians, in reply to their entreaties, sent them
by a public vote 1000 horsemen, under the
command of their king, Cineas, who was a
Coniaean. When this help came, the Pisistra-
tidae laid their plan accordingly: they cleared
the whole plain about Phalerum so as to make
it fit for the movements of cavalry, and then
charged the enemy's camp with their horse,
which fell with such fury upon the Lacedae-
monians as to kill numbers, among the rest
Anchimolius, the general, and to drive the re-
mainder to their ships. Such was the fate of
the first army sent from Lacedaemon, and the
tomb of Anchimolius may be seen to this day
in Attica; it is at Alopecae (Foxtown), near
the temple of Hercules in Cynosargos.

64. Afterwards, the Lacedemonians des-
patched a larger force against Athens, which
they put under the command of Cleomenes,
son of Anaxandridas, one of their kings. These
troops were not sent by sea, but marched by
the mainland. When they were come into At-
tica, their first encounter was with the Thes-
salian horse, which they shortly put to flight,
killing above forty men; the remainder made
good their escape, and fled straight to Thessaly.
Cleomenes proceeded to the city, and, with
the aid of such of the Athenians as wished for
freedom, besieged the tyrants, who had shut
themselves up in the Pelasgic fortress.

65. And now there had been small chance
of the Pisistratidae falling into the hands of the
Spartans, who did not even design to sit down
before the place, which had moreover been
well provisioned beforehand with stores both
of meat and drink, nay, it is likely that after
a few days' blockade the Lacedaemonians
would have quitted Attica altogether, and gone
back to Sparta had not an event occurred
most unlucky for the besieged, and most ad-
vantageous for the besiegers. The children of
the Pisistratidae were made prisoners, as they
were being removed out of the country. By this
calamity all their plans were deranged, and
as the ransom of their children they con-

[BooK v

sented to the demands of the Athenians, and
agreed within five days' time to quit Attica.
Accordingly they soon afterwards left the
country, and withdrew to Sigeum on the Sca-
mander, after reigning thirty-six years over
the Athenians. By descent they were Pylians,
of the family of the Neleids, to which Codrus
and Melanthus likewise belonged, men who in
former times from foreign settlers became
kings of Athens. And hence it was that Hip-
pocrates came to think of calling his son Pisis-
tratus: he named him after the Pisistratus who
was a son of Nestor. Such then was the mode
in which the Athenians got quit of their ty-
rants. What they did and suffered worthy of
note from the time when they gained their
freedom until the revolt of Ionia from King
Darius, and the coming of Aristagoras to Ath-
ens with a request that the Athenians would
lend the lonians aid, I shall now proceed to re-
late.

66. The power of Athens had been great be-
fore; but, now that the tyrants were gone, it
became greater than ever. The chief authority
was lodged with two persons, Clisthenes, of
the family of the Alcmaeonids, who is said to
have been the persuader of the Pythoness, and
Isagoras, the son of Tisander, who belonged
to a noble house, but whose pedigree I am not
able to trace further. Howbeit his kinsmen
offer sacrifice to the Carian Jupiter. These
two men strove together for the mastery; and
Clisthenes, finding himself the weaker, called
to his aid the common people. Hereupon, in-
stead of the four tribes among which the
Athenians had been divided hitherto, Clis-
thenes made ten tribes, and parcelled out the
Athenians among them. He likewise changed
the names of the tribes; for whereas they had
till now been called after Geleon, ^Egicores,
Argades, and Hoples, the four sons of Ion,
Clisthenes set these names aside, and called
his tribes after certain other heroes, all of
whom were native, except Ajax. Ajax was as-
sociated because, although a foreigner, he was
a neighbour and an ally of Athens.

67. My belief is that in acting thus he did
but imitate his maternal grandfather, Clis-
thenes, king of Sicyon. This king, when he
was at war with Argos, put an end to the con-
tests of the rhapsodists at Sicyon, because in
the Homeric poems Argos and the Argives
were so constantly the theme of song. He like-
wise conceived the wish to drive Adrastus, the
son of Talaiis, out of his country, seeing that
he was an Argive hero. For Adrastus had a

THE HISTORY

64-72]

shrine at Sicyon, which yet stands in the mar-
ket-place of the town. Clisthenes therefore
went to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he
might expel Adrastus. To this the Pythoness is
reported to have answered "Adrastus is the
Sicyonians' king, but thou art only a robber."
So when the god would not grant his request,
he went home and began to think how he
might contrive to make Adrastus withdraw of
his own accord. After a while he hit upon a
plan which he thought would succeed. He sent
envoys to Thebes in Boeotia, and informed
the Thebans that he wished to bring Melanip-
pus, the son of Astacus, to Sicyon. The The-
bans consenting, Clisthenes carried Melanip-
pus back with him, assigned him a precinct
within the government-house, and built him a
shrine there in the safest and strongest part.
The reason for his so doing (which I must not
forbear to mention) was because Melanippus
was Adrastus' great enemy, having slain both
his brother Mecistes and his son-in-law Tydeus.
Clisthenes, after assigning the precinct to Mel-
anippus, took away from Adrastus the sacri-
fices and festivals wherewith he had till then
been honoured, and transferred them to his
adversary. Hitherto the Sicyonians had paid
extraordinary honours to Adrastus, because the
country had belonged to Polybus, and Adras-
tus was Polybus' daughter's son; whence it
came to pass that Polybus, dying childless, left
Adrastus his kingdom. Besides other ceremo-
nies, it had been their wont to honour Adras-
tus with tragic choruses, which they assigned
to him rather than Bacchus, on account of his
calamities. Clisthenes now gave the choruses
to Bacchus, transferring to Melanippus the
rest of the sacred rites.

68. Such were his doings in the matter of
Adrastus. With respect to the Dorian tribes,
not choosing the Sicyonians to have the same
tribes as the Argives, he changed all the old
names for new ones; and here he took special
occasion to mock the Sicyonians, for he drew
his new names from the words "pig" and
"ass," adding thereto the usual tribe-endings;
only in the case of his own tribe he did nothing
of the sort, but gave them a name drawn from
his own kingly office. For he called his own
tribe the Archelai, or Rulers, while the others
he named Hyatae, or Pig-folk, Oneatae, or Ass-
folk, and Chcereatae, or Swine-folk. The Sicy-
onians kept these names, not only during the
reign of Clisthenes, but even after his death,
by the space of sixty years: then, however, they
took counsel together, and changed to the well-

173

known names of Hyllaeans, Pamphylians, and
Dymanatae, taking at the same time, as a
fourth name, the title of ^Egialeans, from /gi-
aleus the son of Adrastus.

69. Thus had Clisthenes the Sicyonian done.
The Athenian Clisthenes, who was grandson
by the mother's side of the other, and had been
named after him, resolved, from contempt (as
I believe) of the lonians, that his tribes should
not be the same as theirs; and so followed the
pattern set him by his namesake of Sicyon.
Having brought entirely over to his own side
the common people of Athens, whom he had
before disdained, he gave all the tribes new
names, and made the number greater than for-
merly; instead of the four phylarchs he estab-
lished ten; he likewise placed ten demes in
each of the tribes; and he was, now that the
common people took his part, very much more
powerful than his adversaries.

70. Isagoras in his turn lost ground; and
therefore, to counter-plot his enemy, he called
in Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, who had al-
ready, at the time when he was besieging the
Pisistratidae, made a contract of friendship with
him. A charge is even brought against Cleo-
menes that he was on terms of too great fa-
miliarity with Isagoras's wife. At this time the
first thing that he did was to send a herald
and require that Clisthenes, and a large num-
ber of Athenians besides, whom he called "The
Accursed," should leave Athens. This message
he sent at the suggestion of Isagoras: for in
the affair referred to, the blood-guiltiness lay
on the Alcmaeonidae and their partisans, while
he and his friends were quite clear of it.

71. The way in which "The Accursed" at
Athens got their name, was the following.
There was a certain Athenian called Cylon, a
victor at the Olympic Games, who aspired to
the sovereignty, and aided by a number of his
companions, who were of the same age with
himself, made an attempt to seize the citadel.
But the attack failed; and Cylon became a sup-
pliant at the image. Hereupon the Heads of
the Naucraries, who at that time bore rule in
Athens, induced the fugitives to remove by a
promise to spare their lives. Nevertheless they
were all slain; and the blame was laid on the
Alcmaeonidae. All this happened before the
time of Pisistratus.

72. When the message of Cleomenes ar-
rived, requiring Clisthenes and "The Ac-
cursed" to quit the city, Clisthenes departed of
his own accord. Cleomenes, however, notwith-
standing his departure, came to Athens, with

174

HERODOTUS

a small band of followers; and on his arrival
sent into banishment seven hundred Athenian
families, which were pointed out to him by
Isagoras. Succeeding here, he next endeav-
oured to dissolve the council, and to put the
government into the hands of three hundred
of the partisans of that leader. But the council
resisted, and refused to obey his orders; where-
upon Cleomenes, Isagoras, and their followers
took possession of the citadel. Here they were
attacked by the rest of the Athenians, who
took the side of the council, and were besieged
for the space of two days: on the third day they
accepted terms, being allowed at least such
of them as were Lacedaemonians to quit the
country. And so the word which came to Cleo-
menes received its fulfilment. For when he
first went up into the citadel, meaning to seize
it, just as he was entering the sanctuary of the
goddess, in order to question her, the priestess
arose from her throne, before he had passed
the doors, and said "Stranger from Lacedae-
mon, depart hence, and presume not to enter
the holy place it is not lawful for a Dorian to
set foot there." But he answered, "Oh! woman,
I am not a Dorian, but an Achaean." Slighting
this warning, Cleomenes made his attempt,
and so he was forced to retire, together with
his Lacedaemonians. The rest were cast into
prison by the Athenians, and condemned to
die among them Timasitheiis the Delphian,
of whose prowess and courage I have great
things which I could tell.

73. So these men died in prison. The Athen-
ians directly afterwards recalled Clisthenes,
and the seven hundred families which Cleo-
menes had driven out; and, further, they sent
envoys to Sardis, to make an alliance with the
Persians, for they knew that war would fol-
low with Cleomenes and the Lacedaemonians.
When the ambassadors reached Sardis and de-
livered their message, Artaphernes, son of Hys-
taspes, who was at that time governor of the
place, inquired of them "who they were, and
in what part of the world they dwelt, that they
wanted to become allies of the Persians?" The
messengers told him; upon which he answered
them shortly that "if the Athenians chose to
give earth and water to King Darius, he
would conclude an alliance with them; but if
not, they might go home again." After con-
sulting together, the envoys, anxious to form
the alliance, accepted the terms; but on their
return to Athens, they fell into deep disgrace
on account of their compliance.

74. Meanwhile Cleomenes, who considered

[ BOOK v

himself to have been insulted by the Athenians
both in word and deed, was drawing a force
together from all parts of the Peloponnese,
without informing any one of his object;
which was to revenge himself on the Athen-
ians, and to establish Isagoras, who had es-
caped with him from the citadel, as despot of
Athens. Accordingly, with a large army, he in-
vaded the district of Eleusis, while the Boeoti-
ans, who had concerted measures with him,
took (Enoe and Hysiae, two country towns
upon the frontier; and at the same time the
Chalcideans, on another side, plundered divers
places in Attica. The Athenians, notwithstand-
ing that danger threatened them from every
quarter, put off all thought of the Boeotians
and Chalcideans till a future time, and
marched against the Peloponnesians, who
were at Eleusis.

75. As the two hosts were about to engage,
first of all the Corinthians, bethinking them-
selves that they were perpetrating a wrong,
changed their minds, and drew off from the
main army. Then Demaratus, son of Ariston,
who was himself king of Sparta and joint-
leader of the expedition, and who till now had
had no sort of quarrel with Cleomenes, fol-
lowed their example. On account of this rup-
ture between the kings, a law was passed at
Sparta, forbidding both monarchs to go out
together with the army, as had been the cus-
tom hitherto. The law also provided, that, as
one of the kings was to be left behind, one of
the Tyndaridae should also remain at home;
whereas hitherto both had accompanied the
expeditions, as auxiliaries. So when the rest of
the allies saw that the Lacedaemonian kings
were not of one mind, and that the Corinthian
troops had quitted their post, they likewise
drew off and departed.

76. This was the fourth time that the Dori-
ans had invaded Attica: twice they came as
enemies, and twice they came to do good serv-
ice to the Athenian people. Their first invasion
took place at the period when they founded
Megara, and is rightly placed in the reign of
Codrus at Athens; the second and third occa-
sions were when they came from Sparta to
drive out the Pisistratidae; the fourth was the
present attack, when Cleomenes, at the head
of a Peloponnesian army, entered at Eleusis.
Thus the Dorians had now four times invaded
Attica.

77. So when the Spartan army had broken
up from its quarters thus ingloriously, the
Athenians, wishing to revenge themselves,

73-82]

marched first against the Chalcideans. The
Boeotians, however, advancing to the aid of the
latter as far as the Euripus, the Athenians
thought it best to attack them first. A battle
was fought accordingly; and the Athenians
gained a very complete victory, killing a vast
number of the enemy, and taking seven hun-
dred of them alive. After this, on the very same
day, they crossed into Eubcea, and engaged
the Chalcideans with the like success; where-
upon they left four thousand settlers 1 upon the
lands of the Hippobotae, 2 which is the name
the Chalcideans give to their rich men. All the
Chalcidean prisoners whom they took were
put in irons, and kept for a long time in close
confinement, as likewise were the Boeotians,
until the ransom asked for them was paid; and
this the Athenians fixed at two minae the man.
The chains wherewith they were fettered the
Athenians suspended in their citadel; where
they were still to be seen in my day, hanging
against the wall scorched by the Median
flames, opposite the chapel which faces the
west. The Athenians made an offering of the
tenth part of the ransom-money: and expend-
ed it on the brazen chariot drawn by four
steeds, which stands on the left hand immedi-
ately that one enters the gateway of the citadel.
The inscription runs as follows:

When Chalet's and Bceotia dared her might,
Athens subdued their pride in valorous fight;
Gave bonds for insults; and, the ransom paid,
Prom the full tenths these steeds for Pallas made.

78. Thus did the Athenians increase in
strength. And it is plain enough, not from this
instance only, but from many everywhere, that
freedom is an excellent thing; since even the
Athenians, who, while they continued under
the rule of tyrants, were not a whit more vali-
ant than any of their neighbours, no sooner
shook off the yoke than they became decidedly
the first of all. These things show that, while
undergoing oppression, they let themselves be
beaten, since then they worked for a master;
but so soon as they got their freedom, each
man was eager to do the best he could for him-
self. So fared it now with the Athenians.

79. Meanwhile the Thebans, who longed to
be revenged on the Athenians, had sent to the
oracle, and been told by the Pythoness that of
their own strength they would be unable to

literally, "allotment-holders"

2 The Chalcidean Hippobote, or "horse-keep-
ers," were a wealthy aristocracy and correspond to
the knights (imreis) of most Grecian states, and
the "equites," or "celeres," of the Romans.

THE HISTORY 175

accomplish their wish: "they must lay the mat-
ter," she said, "before the many-voiced, and
ask the aid of those nearest them." The mes-
sengers, therefore, on their return, called a
meeting, and laid the answer of the oracle be-
fore the people, who no sooner heard the ad-
vice to "ask the aid of those nearest them"
than they exclaimed "What! are not they
who dwell the nearest to us the men of Tana-
gra, of Coronaea, and Thespiae? Yet these men
always fight on our side, and have aided us
with a good heart all through the war. Of
what use is it to ask them? But maybe this is
not the true meaning of the oracle."

80. As they were thus discoursing one with
another, a certain man, informed of the debate,
cried out "Methinks that I understand what
course the oracle would recommend to us.
Asopus, they say, had two daughters, Thebe
and Egina. The god means that, as these two
were sisters, we ought to ask the Eginetans to
lend us aid." As no one was able to hit on any
better explanation, the Thebans forthwith sent
messengers to Egina, and, according to the ad-
vice of the oracle, asked their aid, as the people
"nearest to them." In answer to this petition
the Eginetans said that they would give them
the ^Eacidae for helpers.

81. The Thebans now, relying on the as-
sistance of the ^acidtc, ventured to renew the
war; but they met with so rough a reception,
that they resolved to send to the Eginetans
again, returning the ^acidae, and beseeching
them to send some men instead. The Egine-
tans, who were at that time a most flourishing
people, elated with their greatness, and at the
same time calling to mind their ancient feud
with Athens, agreed to lend the Thebans aid,
and forthwith went to war with the Athenians,
without even giving them notice by a herald.
The attention of these latter being engaged by
the struggle with the Boeotians, the Eginetans
in their ships of war made descents upon At-
tica, plundered Phalerum, and ravaged a vast
number of the townships upon the sea-board,
whereby the Athenians suffered very grievous
damage.

82. The ancient feud between the Eginetans
and Athenians arose out of the following cir-
cumstances. Once upon a time the land of Epi-
daurus would bear no crops; and the Epidauri-
ans sent to consult the oracle of Delphi con-
cerning their affliction. The answer bade them
set up the images of Damia and Auxesia, and
promised them better fortune when that
should be done. "Shall the images be made of

176

HERODOTUS

[BOOK v

bronze or stone?" the Epidaurians asked; but
the Pythoness replied, "Of neither: but let
them be made of the garden olive." Then the
Epidaurians sent to Athens and asked leave to
cut olive wood in Attica, believing the Atheni-
an olives to be the holiest; or, according to
others, because there were no olives at that
time anywhere else in all the world but at
Athens. 1 The Athenians answered that they
would give them leave, but on condition of
their bringing offerings year by year to Min-
erva Polias and to Erechtheus. The Epidauri-
ans agreed, and having obtained what they
wanted, made the images of olive wood, and
set them up in their own country. Henceforth
their land bore its crops; and they duly paid
the Athenians what had been agreed upon.

83. Anciently, and even down to the time
when this took place, the Eginetans were in
all things subject to the Epidaurians, and had
to cross over to Epidaurus for the trial of all
suits in which they were engaged one with an-
other. After this, however, the Eginetans built
themselves ships, and, growing proud, re-
volted from the Epidaurians. Having thus
come to be at enmity with them, the Egine-
tans, who were masters of the sea, ravaged
Epidaurus, and even carried off these very im-
ages of Damia and Auxesia, which they set up
in their own country, in the interior, at a place
called CEa, about twenty furlongs from their
city. This done, they fixed a worship for the
images, which consisted in part of sacrifices, in
part of female satiric choruses; while at the
same time they appointed certain men to fur-
nish the choruses, ten for each goddess. These
choruses did not abuse men, but only the wom-
en of the country. Holy orgies of a similar
kind were in use also among the Epidaurians,
and likewise another sort of holy orgies,
whereof it is not lawful to speak.

84. After the robbery of the images the Epi-
daurians ceased to make the stipulated pay-
ments to the Athenians, wherefore the Athen-
ians sent to Epidaurus to remonstrate. But the
Epidaurians proved to them that they were not
guilty of any wrong: "While the images con-
tinued in their country," they said, "they had
duly paid the offerings according to the agree-
ment; now that the images had been taken
from them, they were no longer under any ob-
ligation to pay: the Athenians should make
their demand of the Eginetans, in whose pos-

1 This is, of course, not true, for the olive had
been cultivated in the east from a very remote an-
tiquity.

session the figures now were." Upon this the
Athenians sent to Egina, and demanded the
images back; but the Eginetans answered that
the Athenians had nothing whatever to do
with them.

85. After this the Athenians relate that they
sent a trireme to Egina with certain citizens on
board, and that these men, who bore commis-
sion from the state, landed in Egina, and
sought to take the images away, considering
them to be their own, inasmuch as they were
made of their wood. And first they endeavoured
to wrench them from their pedestals, and so car-
ry them off; but failing herein, they in the next
place tied ropes to them, and set to work to try
if they could haul them down. In the midst of
their hauling suddenly there was a thunder-
clap, and with the thunderclap an earthquake;
and the crew of the trireme were forthwith
seized with madness, and, like enemies, began
to kill one another; until at last there was but
one left, who returned alone to Phalerum.

86. Such is the account given by the Athen-
ians. The Eginetans deny that there was only
a single vessel: "Had there been only one,"
they say, "or no more than a few, they would
easily have repulsed the attack, even if they
had had no fleet at all; but the Athenians came
against them with a large number of ships,
wherefore they gave way, and did not hazard
a battle." They do not however explain clearly
whether it was from a conviction of their own
inferiority at sea that they yielded, or whether
it was for the purpose of doing that which in
fact they did. Their account is that the Athen-
ians, disembarking from their ships, when
they found that no resistance was offered,
made for the statues, and failing to wrench
them from their pedestals, tied ropes to them
and began to haul. Then, they say and some
people will perhaps believe them, though I
for my part do not the two statues, as they
were being dragged and hauled, fell down
both upon their knees; in which attitude they
still remain. Such, according to them, was the
conduct of the Athenians; they meanwhile,
having learnt beforehand what was intended,
had prevailed on the Argives to hold them-
selves in readiness; and the Athenians accord-
ingly were but just landed on their coasts when
the Argives came to their aid. Secretly and si-
lently they crossed over from Epidaurus, and,
before the Athenians were aware, cut off their
retreat to their ships, and fell upon them; and
the thunder came exactly at that moment, and
the earthquake with it.

83-9J]

87. The Argivcs and the Eginctans both
agree in giving this account; and the Atheni-
ans themselves acknowledge that but one of
their men returned alive to Attica. According
to the Argives, he escaped from the battle in
which the rest of the Athenian troops were
destroyed by them. According to the Atheni-
ans, it was the god who destroyed their troops;
and even this one man did not escape, for he
perished in the following manner. When he
came back to Athens, bringing word of the
calamity, the wives of those who had been sent
out on the expedition took it sorely to heart
that he alone should have survived the slaught-
er of all the rest; they therefore crowded
round the man, and struck him with the
brooches by which their dresses were fastened
each, as she struck, asking him where he
had left her husband. And the man died in
this way. The Athenians thought the deed of
the women more horrible even than the fate of
the troops; as however they did not know how
else to punish them, they changed their dress
and compelled them to wear the costume of
the lonians. Till this time the Athenian wom-
en had worn a Dorian dress, shaped nearly
like that which prevails at Corinth. Hence-
forth they were made to wear the linen tunic,
which does not require brooches.

88. In very truth, however, this dress is not
originally Ionian, but Carian; for anciently the
Greek women all wore the costume which is
now called the Dorian. It is said further that
the Argives and Eginetans made it a custom,
on this same account, for their women to wear
brooches half as large again as formerly, and to
offer brooches rather than anything else in the
temple of these goddesses. They also forbade
the bringing of anything Attic into the temple,
were it even a jar of earthenware, and made
a law that none but native drinking vessels
should be used there in time to come. From
this early age to my own day the Argive and
Eginetan women have always continued to
wear their brooches larger than formerly,
through hatred of the Athenians.

89. Such then was the origin of the feud
which existed between the Eginetans and the
Athenians. Hence, when the Thebans made
their application for succour, the Eginetans,
calling to mind the matter of images, gladly
lent their aid to the Boeotians. They ravaged
all the sea-coast of Attica; and the Athenians
were about to attack them in return, when
they were stopped by the oracle of Delphi,
which bade them wait till thirty years had

THE HISTORY

177

passed from the time that the Eginetans did
the wrong, and in the thirty-first year, having
first set apart a precinct for ^Eacus, then to be-
gin the war. "So should they succeed to their
wish," the oracle said; "but if they went to
war at once, though they would still conquer
the island in the end, yet they must go through
much suffering and much exertion before tak-
ing it." On receiving this warning the Athen-
ians set apart a precinct for ^Eacus the same
which still remains dedicated to him in their
market-place but they could not hear with
any patience of waiting thirty years, after they
had suffered such grievous wrong at the hands
of the Eginetans.

90. Accordingly they were making ready to
take their revenge when a fresh stir on the
part of the Lacedaemonians hindered their
projects. These last had become aware of the
truth how that the Alcmaeonidae had prac-
tised on the Pythoness, and the Pythoness had
schemed against themselves, and against the
Pisistratidar, and the discovery was a double
grief to them, for while they had driven their
own sworn friends into exile, they found that
they had not gained thereby a particle of good
will from Athens. They were also moved by
certain prophecies, which declared that many
dire calamities should befall them at the hands
of the Athenians. Of these in times past they
had been ignorant; but now they had become
acquainted with them by means of Cleomenes,
who had brought them with him to Sparta,
having found them in the Athenian citadel,
where they had been left by the Pisistratidae
when they were driven from Athens: they
were in the temple, and Cleomenes having dis-
covered them, carried them off.

91. So when the Lacedaemonians obtained
possession of the prophecies, and saw that the
Athenians were growing in strength, and had
no mind to acknowledge any subjection to
their control, it occurred to them that, if the
people of Attica were free, they would be like-
ly to be as powerful as themselves, but if they
were oppressed by a tyranny, they would be
weak and submissive. Under this feeling they
sent and recalled Hippias, the son of Pisistra-
tus, from Sigeum upon the Hellespont, where
the Pisistratidae had taken shelter. Hippias
came at their bidding, and the Spartans on his
arrival summoned deputies from all their other
allies, and thus addressed the assembly:

"Friends and brothers in arms, we are free
to confess that we did lately a thing which was
not right. Misled by counterfeit oracles, we

178

HERODOTUS

drove from their country those who were our
sworn and true friends, and who had, more-
over, engaged to keep Athens in dependence
upon us; and we delivered the government
into the hands of an unthankful people a
people who no sooner got their freedom by
our means, and grew in power, than they
turned us and our king, with every token of
insult, out of their city. Since then they have
gone on continually raising their thoughts
higher, as their neighbours of Boeotia and
Chalcis have already discovered to their cost,
and as others too will presently discover if they
shall offend them. Having thus erred, we will
endeavour now, with your help, to remedy the
evils we have caused, and to obtain vengeance
on the Athenians. For this cause we have sent
for Hippias to come here, and have summoned
you likewise from your several states, that we
may all now with heart and hand unite to re-
store him to Athens, and thereby give him
back that which we took from him formerly."

92. ( i.) Such was the address of the
Spartans. The greater number of the allies lis-
tened without being persuaded. None however
broke silence but Sosicles the Corinthian, who
exclaimed

"Surely the heaven will soon be below, and
the earth above, and men will henceforth live
in the sea, and fish take their place upon the dry
land, since you, Lacedaemonians, propose to
put down free governments in the cities of
Greece, and to set up tyrannies in their room.
There is nothing in the whole world so unjust,
nothing so bloody, as a tyranny. If, however,
it seems to you a desirable thing to have the
cities under despotic rule, begin by putting a
tyrant over yourselves, and then establish des-
pots in the other states. While you continue
yourselves, as you have always been, unac-
quainted with tyranny, and take such excellent
care that Sparta may not suffer from it, to act
as you are now doing is to treat your allies un-
worthily. If you knew what tyranny was as
well as ourselves, you would be better advised
than you now are in regard to it. (2.) The
government at Corinth was once an oligarchy
a single race, called Bacchiadae, who inter-
married only among themselves, held the man-
agement of affairs. Now it happened that Am-
phion, one of these, had a daughter, named
Labda, who was lame, and whom therefore
none of the Bacchiadae would consent to mar-
ry; so she was taken to wife by Action, son of
Echecrates, a man of the township of Petra,
who was, however, by descent of the race of

[BooK v

the Lapithae, and of the house of Caeneus. Ac-
tion, as he had no child, either by this wife or
by any other, went to Delphi to consult the
oracle concerning the matter. Scarcely had he
entered the temple when the Pythoness saluted
him in these words

No one honours thee now, Action, worthy of hon-
our

Labda shall soon be a mother her offspring a
roct^, that will one day

Fall on the kingly race, and right the city of Cor-
inth.

By some chance this address of the oracle to
Action came to the ears of the Bacchiadae, who
till then had been unable to perceive the mean-
ing of another earlier prophecy which likewise
bore upon Corinth, and pointed to the same
event as Action's prediction. It was the follow-
ing:

When mid the roc1(s an eagle shall bear a carnivo-
rous lion,

Mighty and fierce, he shall loosen the limbs of
many beneath them

Brood ye well upon this, all ye Corinthian people,

Ye who dwell by fair Peirene, and beetling Co-
rinth.

( 3.) The Bacchiadse had possessed this ora-
cle for some time; but they were quite at a loss
to know what it meant until they heard the
response given to Action; then however they
at once perceived its meaning, since the two
agreed so well together. Nevertheless, though
the bearing of the first prophecy was now
clear to them, they remained quiet, being
minded to put to death the child which Ac-
tion was expecting. As soon, therefore, as his
wife was delivered, they sent ten of their num-
ber to the township where Action lived, with
orders to make away with the baby. So the
men came to Petra, and went into Action's
house, and there asked if they might see the
child; and Labda, who knew nothing of their
purpose, but thought their inquiries arose
from a kindly feeling towards her husband,
brought the child, and laid him in the arms of
one of them. Now they had agreed by the way
that whoever first got hold of the child should
dash it against the ground. It happened,
however, by a providential chance, that the
babe, just as Labda put him into the man's
arms, smiled in his face. The man saw the
smile, and was touched with pity, so that he
could not kill it; he therefore passed it on to
his next neighbour, who gave it to a third; and
so it went through all the ten without any one
choosing to be the murderer. The mother re-

92]

THE HISTORY

179

ceived her child back; and the men went out
of the house, and stood near the door, and
there blamed and reproached one another;
chiefly however accusing the man who had
first had the child in his arms, because he had
not done as had been agreed upon. At last,
after much time had been thus spent, they re-
solved to go into the house again and all take
part in the murder. ( 4.) But it was fated that
evil should come upon Corinth from the prog-
eny of Action; and so it chanced that Labda,
as she stood near the door, heard all that the
men said to one another, and fearful of their
changing their mind, and returning to destroy
her baby, she carried him off and hid him in
what seemed to her the most unlikely place to
be suspected, viz., a 'cypsel* or corn-bin. She
knew that if they came back to look for the
child, they would search all her house; and so
indeed they did, but not finding the child af-
ter looking everywhere, they thought it best
to go away, and declare to those by whom they
had been sent that they had done their bid-
ding. And thus they reported on their return
home.. (5.) Action's son grew up, and, in re-
membrance of the danger from which he had
escaped, was named Cypselus, after the corn-
bin. When he reached to man's estate, he went
to Delphi, and on consulting the oracle, re-
ceived a response which was two-sided. It was
the following:

See there comes to my dwelling a man much fa-

vour'd oj fortune,
Cypselus, son oj Action, and fy n g of the glorious

Corinth
He and his children too, but not his children's

children.

Such was the oracle; and Cypselus put so much
faith in it that he forthwith made his attempt,
and thereby became master of Corinth. Hav-
ing thus got the tyranny, he showed himself a
harsh ruler many of the Corinthians he drove
into banishment, many he deprived of their
fortunes, and a still greater number of their
lives. (6.) His reign lasted thirty years, and
was prosperous to its close; insomuch that he
left the government to Periander, his son. This
prince at the beginning of his reign was of a
milder temper than his father; but after he cor-
responded by means of messengers with
Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, he became
even more sanguinary. On one occasion he
sent a herald to ask Thrasybulus what mode
of government it was safest to set up in order
to rule with honour. Thrasybulus led the mes-
senger without the city, and took him into a

field of corn, through which he began to walk,
while he asked him again and again concern-
ing his coming from Corinth, ever as he went
breaking off and throwing away all such ears
of corn as over-topped the rest. In this way he
went through the whole field, and destroyed
all the best and richest part of the crop; then,
without a word, he sent the messenger back.
On the return of the man to Corinth, Perian-
der was eager to know what Thrasybulus had
counselled, but the messenger reported that he
had said nothing; and he wondered that Peri-
ander had sent him to so strange a man, who
seemed to have lost his senses, since he did
nothing but destroy his own property. And
upon this he told how Thrasybulus had be-
haved at the interview. (7.) Periander, per-
ceiving what the action meant, and knowing
that Thrasybulus advised the destruction of all
the leading citizens, treated his subjects from
this time forward with the very greatest cru-
elty. Where Cypselus had spared any, and had
neither put them to death nor banished them,
Periander completed what his father had left
unfinished. One day he stripped all the women
of Corinth stark naked, for the sake of his
own wife Melissa. He had sent messengers into
Thesprotia to consult the oracle of the dead
upon the Acheron concerning a pledge which
had been given into his charge by a stranger,
and Melissa appeared, but refused to speak or
tell where the pledge was 'she was chill/ she
said, 'having no clothes; the garments buried
with her were of no manner of use, since they
had not been burnt. And this should be her
token to Periander, that what she said was true
the oven was cold when he baked his loaves
in it.' When this message was brought him,
Periander knew the token; wherefore he
straightway made proclamation, that all the
wives of the Corinthians should go forth to the
temple of Juno. So the women apparelled
themselves in their bravest, and went forth, as
if to a festival. Then, with the help of his
guards, whom he had placed for the purpose,
he stripped them one and all, making no dif-
ference between the free women and the
slaves; and, taking their clothes to a pit, he
called on the name of Melissa, and burnt the
whole heap. This done, he sent a second time
to the oracle; and Melissa's ghost told him
where he would find the stranger's pledge.
Such, O Lacedaemonians! is tyranny, and such
arc the deeds which spring from it. We Corin-
thians marvelled greatly when we first knew
of your having sent for Hippias; and now it

180

HERODOTUS

[BOOK v

surprises us still more to hear you speak as you
do. We adjure you, by the common gods of
Greece, plant not despots in her cities. If how-
ever you are determined, if you persist, against
all justice, in seeking to restore Hippias
know, at least, that the Corinthians will not
approve your conduct.'*

93. When Sosicles, the deputy from Cor-
inth, had thus spoken, Hippias replied, and,
invoking the same gods, he said "Of a surety
the Corinthians will, beyond all others, regret
the Pisistratidae, when the fated days come for
them to be distressed by the Athenians." Hip-
pias spoke thus because he knew the prophe-
cies better than any man living. But the rest of
the allies, who till Sosicles spoke had remained
quiet, when they heard him utter his thoughts
thus boldly, all together broke silence, and
declared themselves of the same mind; and
withal, they conjured the Lacedaemonians "not
to revolutionise a Grecian city." And in this
way the enterprise came to nought.

94. Hippias hereupon withdrew; and Am-
yntas the Macedonian offered him the city of
Anthemus, while the Thessalians were willing
to give him lolcos: but he would accept neither
the one nor the other, preferring to go back to
Sigeum, which city Pisistratus had taken by
force of arms from the Mytilenaeans. Pisistra-
tus, when he became master of the place, es-
tablished there as tyrant his own natural son,
Hegesistratus, whose mother was an Argive
woman. But this prince was not allowed to en-
joy peaceably what his father had made over
to him; for during very many years there had
been war between the Athenians of Sigeum
and the Mytilenxans of the city called Achil-
leum. They of Mytilene insisted on having the
place restored to them: but the Athenians re-
fused, since they argued that the ^Eolians had
no better claim to the Trojan territory than
themselves, or than any of the other Greeks
who helped Menelaus on occasion of the rape
of Helen.

95. War accordingly continued, with many
and various incidents, whereof the following
was one. In a battle which was gained by the
Athenians, the poet Alcaeus took to flight, and
saved himself, but lost his arms, which fell into
the hands of the conquerors. They hung them
up in the temple of Minerva at Sigeum; and
Alcaeus made a poem, describing his misadven-
ture to his friend Melanippus, and sent it to
him at Mytilene. The Mytilenaeans and Athen-
ians were reconciled by Periander, the son of
Cypselus, who was chosen by both parties as

arbiter he decided that they should each re-
tain that of which they were at the time pos-
sessed; and Sigeum passed in this way under
the dominion of Athens.

96. On the return of Hippias to Asia from
Lacedaemon, he moved heaven and earth to
set Artaphernes against the Athenians, and
did all that lay in his power to bring Athens
into subjection to himself and Darius. So when
the Athenians learnt what he was about, they
sent envoys to Sardis, and exhorted the Per-
sians not to lend an ear to the Athenian exiles.
Artaphernes told them in reply, "that if they
wished to remain safe, they must receive back
Hippias." The Athenians, when this answer
was reported to them, determined not to con-
sent, and therefore made up their minds to be
at open enmity with the Persians.

97. The Athenians had come to this deci-
sion, and were already in bad odour with the
Persians, when Aristagoras the Milesian, dis-
missed from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacede-
monian, arrived at Athens. He knew that,
after Sparta, Athens was the most powerful of
the Grecian states. Accordingly he appeared
before the people, and, as he had done at Spar-
ta, spoke to them of the good things which
there were in Asia, and of the Persian mode of
fight how they used neither shield nor spear,
and were very easy to conquer. All this he
urged, and reminded them also that Miletus
was a colony from Athens, and therefore ought
to receive their succour, since they were so
powerful and in the earnestness of his en-
treaties, he cared little what he promised till,
at the last, he prevailed and won them over. It
seems indeed to be easier to deceive a multi-
tude than one man for Aristagoras, though
he failed to impose on Cleomenes the Lacedae-
monian, succeeded with the Athenians, who
were thirty thousand. Won by his persuasions,
they voted that twenty ships should be sent to
the aid of the lonians, under the command of
Melanthius, one of the citizens, a man of mark
in every way. These ships were the beginning
of mischief both to the Greeks and to the bar-
barians.

98. Aristagoras sailed away in advance, and
when he reached Miletus, devised a plan, from
which no manner of advantage could possibly
accrue to the lonians; indeed, in forming it,
he did not aim at their benefit, but his sole
wish was to annoy King Darius. He sent a
messenger into Phrygia to those Paeonians who
had been led away captive by Megabazus from
the river Strymon, and who now dwelt by

93-103]

THE HISTORY

181

themselves in Phrygia, having a tract of land
and a hamlet of their own. This man, when
he reached the Paeonians, spoke thus to
them:

"Men of Paeonia, Aristagoras, king of Mile-
tus, has sent me to you, to inform you that you
may now escape, if you choose to follow the
advice he proffers. All Ionia has revolted from
the king; and the way is open to you to return
to your own land. You have only to contrive
to reach the sea-coast; the rest shall be our busi-
ness."

When the Paeonians heard this, they were
exceedingly rejoiced, and, taking with them
their wives and children, they made all speed
to the coast; a few only remaining in Phrygia
through fear. The rest, having reached the sea,
crossed over to Chios, where they had just
landed, when a great troop of Persian horse
came following upon their heels, and seeking
to overtake them. Not succeeding, however,
they sent a message across to Chios, and
begged the Paeonians to come back again.
These last refused, and were conveyed by the
Chians from Chios to Lesbos, and by the Les-
bians thence to Doriscus; from which place
they made their way on foot to Paeonia.

99. The Athenians now arrived with a fleet
of twenty sail, and brought also in their com-
pany five triremes of the Eretrians; which had
joined the expedition, not so much out of
goodwill towards Athens, as to pay a debt
which they already owed to the people of Mile-
tus. For in the old war between the Chalcide-
ans and Eretrians, the Milesians fought on the
Eretrian side throughout, while the Chalcide-
ans had the help of the Samian people. Aris-
tagoras, on their arrival, assembled the rest of
his allies, and proceeded to attack Sardis, not
however leading the army in person, but ap-
pointing to the command his own brother
Charopinus and Hermophantus, one of the
citizens, while he himself remained behind in
Miletus.

100. The lonians sailed with this fleet to
Ephesus, and, leaving their ships at Coressus
in the Ephesian territory, took guides from the
city, and went up the country with a great
host. They marched along the course of the
river Cayster, and, crossing over the ridge of
Tmolus, came down upon Sardis and took it,
no man opposing them; the whole city fell
into their hands, except only the citadel, which
Artaphernes defended in person, having with
him no contemptible force.

xoi. Though, however, they took the city,

they did not succeed in plundering it; for, as
the houses in Sardis were most of them built
of reeds, and even the few which were of brick
had a reed thatching for their roof, one of
them was no sooner fired by a soldier than the
flames ran speedily from house to house, and
spread over the whole place. As the fire raged,
the Lydians and such Persians as were in the
city, inclosed on every side by the flames,
which had seized all the skirts of the town,
and finding themselves unable to get out, came
in crowds into the market-place, and gathered
themselves upon the banks of the Pactolus.
This stream, which comes down from Mount
Tmolus, and brings the Sardians a quantity of
gold-dust, runs directly through the market
place of Sardis, and joins the Hermus, before
that river reaches the sea. So the Lydians and
Persians, brought together in this way in the
market-place and about the Pactolus, were
forced to stand on their defence; and the loni-
ans, when they saw the enemy in part resist-
ing, in part pouring towards them in dense
crowds, took fright, and drawing off to the
ridge which is called Tmolus, when night
came, went back to their ships.

102. Sardis however was burnt, and, among
other buildings, a temple of the native god-
dess Cybele was destroyed; which was the rea-
son afterwards alleged by the Persians for set-
ting on fire the temples of the Greeks. As soon
as what had happened was known, all the
Persians who were stationed on this side the
Halys drew together, and brought help to the
Lydians. Finding however, when they arrived,
that the lonians had already withdrawn from
Sardis, they set off, and, following close upon
their track, came up with them at Ephesus.
The lonians drew out against them in battle
array; and a fight ensued, wherein the Greeks
had very greatly the worse. Vast numbers were
slain by the Persians: among other men of
note, they killed the captain of the Eretrians,
a certain Eualcidas, a man who had gained
crowns at the Games, and received much praise
from Simonides the Cean. Such as made their
escape from the battle, dispersed among the
several cities.

103. So ended this encounter. Afterwards
the Athenians quite forsook the lonians, and,
though Aristagoras besought them much by
his ambassadors, refused to give him any furth-
er help. Still the lonians, notwithstanding this
desertion, continued unceasingly their prepa-
rations to carry on the war against the Persian
king, which their late conduct towards him

182

HERODOTUS

[BOOK v

had rendered unavoidable. Sailing into the
Hellespont, they brought Byzantium, and all
the other cities in that quarter, under their
sway. Again, quitting the Hellespont, they
went to Caria, and won the greater part of the
Carians to their side; while Caunus, which
had formerly refused to join with them, after
the burning of Sardis, came over likewise.

104. All the Cyprians too, excepting those of
Amathus, of their own proper motion es-
poused the Ionian cause. The occasion of their
revolting from the Medes was the following.
There was a certain Onesilus, younger brother
of Gorgus, king of Salamis, and son of Chcrsis,
who was son of Siromus, and grandson of
Evelthon. This man had often in former times
entreated Gorgus to rebel against the king;
but, when he heard of the revolt of the lonians,
he left him no peace with his importunity.
As, however, Gorgus would not hearken to
him, he watched his occasion, and when his
brother had gone outside the town, he with
his partisans closed the gates upon him. Gor-
gus, thus deprived of his city, fled to the
Medes; and Onesilus, being now king of Sala-
mis, sought to bring about a revolt of the
whole of Cyprus. All were prevailed on except
the Amathusians, who refused to listen to him;
whereupon Onesilus sate down before Ama-
thus, and laid siege to it.

105. While Onesilus was engaged in the
siege of Amathus, King Darius received tid-
ings of the taking and burning of Sardis by the
Athenians and lonians; and at the same time
he learnt that the author of the league, the
man by whom the whole matter had been
planned and contrived, was Aristagoras the
Milesian. It is said that he no sooner under-
stood what had happened, than, laying aside
all thought concerning the lonians, who
would, he was sure, pay dear for their rebel-
lion, he asked, "Who the Athenians were?"
and, being informed, called for his bow, and
placing an arrow on the string, shot upward
into the sky, saying, as he let fly the shaft
"Grant me, Jupiter, to revenge myself on the
Athenians!" After this speech, he bade one of
his servants every day, when his dinner was
spread, three times repeat these words to
him "Master, remember the Athenians."

1 06. Then he summoned into his presence
Histiaeus of Miletus, whom he had kept at his
court for so long a time; and on his appearance
addressed him thus "I am told, O Histiaeus,
that thy lieutenant, to whom thou hast given
Miletus in charge, has raised a rebellion against

me. He has brought men from the other conti-
nent to contend with me, and, prevailing on
the lonians whose conduct I shall know how
to recompense to join with this force, he has
robbed me of Sardis! Is this as it should be,
thmkest thou? Or can it have been done with-
out thy knowledge and advice? Beware lest it
be found hereafter that the blame of these acts
is thine."

Histiaeus answered "What words are these,
O king, to which thou hast given utterance? I
advise aught from which unpleasantness of
any kind, little or great, should come to thee!
What could I gain by so doing? Or what is
there that I lack now? Have I not all that thou
hast, and am I not thought worthy to partake
all thy counsels? If my lieutenant has indeed
done as thou sayest, be sure he has done it all
of his own head. For my part, I do not think
it can really be that the Milesians and my lieu-
tenant have raised a rebellion against thee. But
if they have indeed committed aught to thy
hurt, and the tidings are true which have come
to thee, judge thou how ill-advised thou wert
to remove me from the sea-coast. The lonians,
it seems, have waited till I was no longer in
sight, and then sought to execute that which
they long ago desired; whereas, if I had been
there, not a single city would have stirred.
Suffer me then to hasten at my best speed to
Ionia, that I may place matters there upon
their former footing, and deliver up to thee the
deputy of Miletus, who has caused all the
troubles. Having managed this business to thy
heart's content, I swear by all the gods of thy
royal house, I will not put off the clothes in
which I reach Ionia till I have made Sardinia,
the biggest island in the world, thy tributary."

107. Histiaeus spoke thus, wishing to de-
ceive the king; and Darius, persuaded by his
words, let him go; only bidding him be sure
to do as he had promised, and afterwards
come back to Susa.

1 08. In the meantime while the tidings of
the burning of Sardis were reaching the king,
and Darius was shooting the arrow and hav-
ing the conference with Histiaeus, and the lat-
ter, by permission of Darius, was hastening
down to the sea in Cyprus the following
events took place. Tidings came to Onesilus,
the Salaminian, who was still besieging Ama-
thus, that a certain Artybius, a Persian, was
looked for to arrive in Cyprus with a great
Persian armament. So Onesilus, when the
news reached him, sent off heralds to all parts
of Ionia, and besought the lonians to give him

104-114]

aid. After briet deliberation, these last in full
force passed over into the island; and the Per-
sians about the same time crossed in their ships
from Cilicia, and proceeded by land to attack
Salamis; while the Phoenicians, with the fleet,
sailed round the promontory which goes by the
name of "the Keys of Cyprus."

109. In this posture of affairs the princes of
Cyprus called together the captains of the loni-
ans, and thus addressed them:

"Men of Ionia, we Cyprians leave it to you
to choose whether you will fight with the Per-
sians or with the Phoenicians. If it be your
pleasure to try your strength on land against
the Persians, come on shore at once, and array
yourselves for the battle; we will then embark
aboard your ships and engage the Phoenicians
by sea. If, on the other hand, ye prefer to en-
counter the Phoenicians, let that be your task:
only be sure, whichever part you choose, to ac-
quit yourselves so that Ionia and Cyprus, so far
as depends on you, may preserve their free-
dom."

The lonians made answer "The common-
wealth of Ionia sent us here to guard the sea,
not to make over our ships to you, and engage
with the Persians on shore. We will therefore
keep the post which has been assigned to us,
and seek therein to be of some service. Do you,
remembering what you suffered when you
were the slaves of the Medes, behave like brave
warriors."

no. Such was the reply of the lonians. Not
long afterwards the Persians advanced into the
plain before Salamis, and the Cyprian kings
ranged their troops in order of battle against
them, placing them so that while the rest of
the Cyprians were drawn up against the auxil-
iaries of the enemy, the choicest troops of the
Salaminians and the Solians were set to oppose
the Persians. At the same time Onesilus, of his
own accord, took post opposite to Artybius,
the Persian general.

in. Now Artybius rode a horse which had
been trained to rear up against a foot-soldier.
Onesilus, informed of this, called to him his
shieldbearer, who was a Carian by nation, a
man well skilled in war, and of daring cour-
age; and thus addressed him: "I hear," he
said, "that the horse which Artybius rides,
rears up and attacks with his fore legs and teeth
the man against whom his rider urges him.
Consider quickly therefore and tell me which
wilt thou undertake to encounter, the steed or
the rider?" Then the squire answered him,
"Both, my liege, or either, am I ready to un-

THE HISTORY

183

dertake, and there is nothing that I will shrink
from at thy bidding. But I will tell thee what
seems to me to make most for thy interests. As
thou art a prince and a general, I think thou
shouldest engage with one who is himself both
a prince and also a general. For then, if thou
slayest thine adversary, 'twill redound to thine
honour, and if he slays thee (which may
Heaven forefend!), yet to fall by the hand of a
worthy foe makes death lose half its horror.
To us, thy followers, leave his war-horse and
his retinue. And have thou no fear of the
horse's tricks. I warrant that this is the last
time he will stand up against any one."

112. Thus spake the Carian; and shortly
after, the two hosts joined battle both by sea
and land. And here it chanced that by sea the
lonians, who that day fought as they have never
done either before or since, defeated the Phoe-
nicians, the Samians especially distinguishing
themselves. Meanwhile the combat had begun
on land, and the two armies were engaged in
a sharp struggle, when thus it fell out in the
matter of the generals. Artybius, astride upon
his horse, charged down upon Onesilus, who,
as he had agreed with his shieldbearer, aimed
his blow at the rider; the horse reared and
placed his fore feet upon the shield of Onesi-
lus, when the Carian cut at him with a reap-
ing-hook, and severed the two legs from the
body. The horse fell upon the spot, and Arty-
bius, the Persian general, with him.

113. In the thick of the fight, Stesanor, ty-
rant of Curium, who commanded no incon-
siderable body of troops, went over with them
to the enemy. On this desertion of the Curians
Argive colonists, if report says true forth-
with the war-chariots of the Salaminians fol-
lowed the example set them, and went over
likewise; whereupon victory declared in fa-
vour of the Persians; and the army of the Cy-
prians being routed, vast numbers were slain,
and among them Onesilus, the son of Chcrsis,
who was the author of the revolt, and Aris-
tocyprus, king of the Solians. This Aristocy-
prus was son of Philocyprus, whom Solon the
Athenian, when he visited Cyprus, praised in
his poems beyond all other sovereigns.

114. The Amathusians, because Onesilus
had laid siege to their town, cut the head off
his corpse, and took it with them to Amathus,
where it was set up over the gates. Here it
hung till it became hollow; whereupon a
swarm of bees took possession of it, and filled
it with a honeycomb. On seeing this the Ama-
thusians consulted the oracle, and were com-

184

HERODOTUS

[BOOK v

mancied "to take down the head and bury it,
and thenceforth to regard Onesilus as a hero,
and offer sacrifice to him year by year; so it
would go the better with them." And to this day
the Amathusians do as they were then bidden.

115. As for the lonians who had gained the
sea-fight, when they found that the affairs of
Onesilus were utterly lost and ruined, and that
siege was laid to all the cities of Cyprus ex-
cepting Salamis, which the inhabitants had
surrendered to Gorgus, the former king
forthwith they left Cyprus, and sailed away
home. Of the cities which were besieged, Soli
held out the longest: the Persians took it by
undermining the wall in the fifth month from
the beginning of the siege.

1 1 6. Thus, after enjoying a year of freedom,
the Cyprians were enslaved for the second
time. Meanwhile Daurises, who was married
to one of the daughters of Darius, together
with Hymeas, Otanes, and other Persian cap-
tains, who were likewise married to daughters
of the king, after pursuing the lonians who
had fought at Sardis, defeating them, and driv-
ing them to their ships, divided their efforts
against the different cities, and proceeded in
succession to take and sack each one of them.

117. Daurises attacked the towns upon the
Hellespont, and took in as many days the five
cities of Dardanus, Abydos, Percote', Lampsa-
cus, and Paesus. From Paesus he marched
against Parium; but on his way receiving in-
telligence that the Carians had made common
cause with the lonians, and thrown off the
Persian yoke, he turned round, and, leaving
the Hellespont, marched away towards Caria.

1 18. The Carians by some chance got infor-
mation of this movement before Daurises ar-
rived, and drew together their strength to a
place called "the White Columns/* which is
on the river Marsyas, a stream running from
the Idrian country, and emptying itself into
the Maeander. Here when they were met,
many plans were put forth; but the best, in my
judgment, was that of Pixodarus, the son of
Mausolus, a Cindyan, who was married to a
daughter of Syennesis, the Cilician king. His
advice was that the Carians should cross the
Maeander, and fight with the river at their
back; that so, all chance of flight being cut off,
they might be forced to stand their ground,
and have their natural courage raised to a
still higher pitch. His opinion, however, did
not prevail; it was thought best to make the
enemy have the Maeander behind them; that
so, if they were defeated in the battle and put

to flight, they might have no retreat open, but
be driven headlong into the river.

119. The Persians soon afterwards ap-
proached, and, crossing the Maeander, engaged
the Carians upon the banks of the Marsyas;
where for a long time the battle was stoutly
contested, but at last the Carians were defeated,
being overpowered by numbers. On the side
of the Persians there fell 2000, while the Cari-
ans had not fewer than 10,000 slain. Such as
escaped from the field of battle collected to-
gether at Labranda, in the vast precinct of
Jupiter Stratius a deity worshipped only by
the Carians and in the sacred grove of plane-
trees. Here they deliberated as to the best
means of saving themselves, doubting whether
they would fare better if they gave themselves
up to the Persians, or if they abandoned Asia
for ever.

120. As they were debating these matters a
body of Milesians and allies came to their as-
sistance; whereupon the Carians, dismissing
their former thoughts, prepared themselves
afresh for war, and on the approach of the Per-
sians gave them battle a second time. They
were defeated, however, with still greater loss
than before; and while all the troops engaged
suffered severely, the blow fell with most force
on the Milesians.

121. The Carians, some while after, re-
paired their ill fortune in another action. Un-
derstanding that the Persians were about to at-
tack their cities, they laid an ambush for them
on the road which leads to Pedasus; the Per-
sians, who were making a night-march, fell
into the trap, and the whole army was de-
stroyed, together with the generals, Daurises,

. Amorges, and Sisimaces: Myrsus too, the son
of Gyges, was killed at the same time. The
leader of the ambush was Heraclides, the son
of Iban&lis, a man of Mylasa. Such was the
way in which these Persians perished.

122. In the meantime Hymeas, who was
likewise one of those by whom the lonians
were pursued after their attack on Sardis,
directing his course towards the Propontis,
took Cius, a city of Mysia. Learning, however,
that Daurises had left the Hellespont, and was
gone into Caria, he in his turn quitted the Pro-
pontis, and marching with the army under his
command to the Hellespont, reduced all the
^Eolians of the Troad, and likewise conquered
the Gergithae, a remnant of the ancient Teu-
crians. He did not, however, quit the Troad,
but, after gaining these successes, was himself
carried off by disease.

115-126]

THE HISTORY

185

123. After his death, which happened as I
have related, Artaphernes, the satrap of Sardis,
and Otanes, the third general, were directed to
undertake the conduct of the war against Ionia
and the neighbouring ^Eolis. By them Clazo-
menae in the former, and Cyme in the latter,
were recovered.

124. As the cities fell one after another,
Anstagoras the Milesian (who was in truth, as
he now plainly showed, a man of but little
courage), notwithstanding that it was he who
had caused the disturbances in Ionia and made
so great a commotion, began, seeing his dan-
ger, to look about for means of escape. Being
convinced that it was in vain to endeavour to
overcome King Darius, he called his brothers-
in-arms together, and laid before them the
following project: " 'Twould be well," he
said, "to have some place of refuge, in case they
were driven out of Miletus. Should he go out
at the head of a colony to Sardinia, or should
he sail to Myrcinus in Edonia, which Histiarus

had received as a gift from King Darius, and
had begun to fortify?"

125. To this question of Aristagoras, Heca-
taeus, the historian, son of Hegesander, made
answer that in his judgment neither place was
suitable. "Aristagoras should build a fort," he
said, "in the island of Leros, and, if driven
from Miletus, should go there and bide his
time; from Leros attacks might readily be made,
and he might re-establish himself in Miletus."
Such was the advice given by Hecataeus.

126. Aristagoras, however, was bent on re-
tiring to Myrcinus. Accordingly, he put the
government of Miletus into the hands of one
of the chief citizens, named Pythagoras, and,
taking with him all who liked to go, sailed to
Thrace, and there made himself master of the
place in question. From thence he proceeded to
attack the Thracians; but here he was cut off
with his whole army, while besieging a city
whose defenders were anxious to accept terms
of surrender.

The Sixth Book, Entitled
ERATO

r, ARISTAGORAS, the author of the Ionian re-
volt, perished in the way which I have de-
scribed. Meanwhile Histiaeus, tyrant of Mile-
tus, who had been allowed by Darius to leave
Susa, came down to Sardis. On his arrival,
being asked by Artaphernes, the Sardian
satrap, what he thought was the reason that
the lonians had rebelled, he made answer that
he could not conceive, and it had astonished
him greatly, pretending to be quite uncon-
scious of the whole business. Artaphernes,
however, who perceived that he was dealing
dishonestly, and who had in fact full knowl-
edge of the whole history of the outbreak, said
to him, "I will tell thee how the case stands,
Histiaeus: this shoe is of thy stitching; Arista-
goras has but put it on/*

2. Such was the remark made by Arta-
phernes concerning the rebellion. Histiaeus,
alarmed at the knowledge which he displayed,
so soon as night fell, fled away to the coast.
Thus he forfeited his word to Darius; for
though he had pledged himself to bring
Sardinia, the biggest island in the whole
world, under the Persian yoke, he in reality
sought to obtain the direction of the war
against the king. Crossing over to Chios, he
was there laid in bonds by the inhabitants,
who accused him of intending some mischief
against them in the interest of Darius. How-
ever, when the 3vhole truth was laid before
them, and they found that Histiaeus was in
reality a foe to the king, they forthwith set him
at large again.

3. After this the lonians inquired of him
for what reason he had so strongly urged Aris-
tagoras to revolt from the king, thereby doing
their nation so ill a service. In reply, he took
good care not to disclose to them the real cause,
but told them that King Darius had intended
to remove the Phoenicians from their own
country, and place them in Ionia, while he

planted the lonians in Phoenicia, and that it
was for this reason he sent Aristagoras the
order. Now it was not true that the king had
entertained any such intention, but Histiaeus
succeeded hereby in arousing the fears of the
lonians.

4. After this, Histiaeus, by means of a cer-
tain Hermippus, a native of Atarneus, sent
letters to many of the Persians in Sardis, who
had before held some discourse with him con-
cerning a revolt. Hermippus, however, instead
of conveying them to the persons to whom they
were addressed, delivered them into the hands
of Artaphernes, who, perceiving what was on
foot, commanded Hermippus to deliver the
letters according to their addresses, and then
bring him back the answers which were sent
to Histiaeus. The traitors being in this way dis-
covered, Artaphernes put a number of Persians
to death, and caused a commotion in Sardis.

5. As for Histiaeus, when his hopes in this
matter were disappointed, he persuaded the
Chians to carry him back to Miletus; but the
Milesians were too well pleased at having got
quit of Aristagoras to be anxious to receive
another tyrant into their country; besides
which they had now tasted liberty. They there-
fore opposed his return; and when he en-
deavoured to force an entrance during the
night, one of the inhabitants even wounded
him in the thigh. Having been thus rejected
from his country, he went back to Chios;
whence, after failing in an attempt to induce
the Chians to give him ships, he crossed over
to Mytilenc, where he succeeded in obtaining
vessels from the Lesbians. They fitted out a
squadron of eight triremes, and sailed with
him to the Hellespont, where they took up
their station, and proceeded to seize all the
vessels which passed out from the Euxine, un-
less the crews declared themselves ready to
obey his orders.

186

THE HISTORY

187

6. While Histiaeus and the Mytilenacans
were thus employed, Miletus was expecting an
attack from a vast armament, which comprised
both a fleet and also a land force. The Persian
captains had drawn their several detachments
together, and formed them into a single army;
and had resolved to pass over all the other
cities, which they regarded as of lesser account,
and to march straight on Miletus. Of the
naval states, Phoenicia showed the greatest
zeal; but the fleet was composed likewise
of the Cyprians (who had so lately been
brought under), the Cilicians, and also the
Egyptians.

7. While the Persians were thus making
preparations against Miletus and Ionia, the
lonians, informed of their intent, sent their
deputies to the Panionium, and held a council
upon the posture of their affairs. Hereat it was
determined that no land force should be col-
lected to oppose the Persians, but that the
Milesians should be left to defend their own
walls as they could; at the same time they
agreed that the whole naval force of the states,
not excepting a single ship, should be
equipped, and should muster at Lade, a small
island lying off Miletus to give battle on be-
half of the place.

8. Presently the lonians began to assemble
in their ships, and with them came the fiLoli-
ans of Lesbos; and in this way they marshalled
their line:--The wing towards the east was
formed of the Milesians themselves, who fur-
nished eighty ships; next to them came the
Prienians with twelve, and the Myusians with
three ships; after the Myusians were stationed
the Teians, whose ships were seventeen; then
the Chians, who furnished a hundred. The
Erythraeans and Phocaeans followed, the for-
mer with eight, the latter with three ships; be-
yond the Phocaeans were the Lesbians, furnish-
ing seventy; last of all came the Samians,
forming the western wing, and furnishing
sixty vessels. The fleet amounted in all to three
hundred and fifty-three triremes. Such was the
number on the Ionian side.

9. On the side of the barbarians the number
of vessels was six hundred. These assembled
off the coast of Milesia, while the land army
collected upon the shore; but the leaders, learn-
ing the strength of the Ionian fleet, began to
fear lest they might fail to defeat them, in
which case, not having the mastery at sea, they
would be unable to reduce Miletus, and might
in consequence receive rotfgh treatment at the
hands of Darius. So when they thought of all

these things, they resolved on the following
course: Calling together the Ionian tyrants,
who had fled to the Medes for refuge when
Aristagoras deposed them from their govern-
ments, and who were now in camp, having
joined in the expedition against Miletus, the
Persians addressed them thus: "Men of Ionia,
now is the fit time to show your zeal for the
house of the king. Use your best efforts, every
one of you, to detach your fellow-countrymen
from the general body. Hold forth to them the
promise that, if they submit, no harm shall
happen to them on account of their rebellion;
their temples shall not be burnt, nor any of
their private buildings; neither shall they be
treated with greater harshness than before the
outbreak. But if they refuse to yield, and de-
termine to try the chance of a battle, threaten
them with the fate which shall assuredly over-
take them in that case. Tell them, when they
are vanquished in fight, they shall be en-
slaved; their boys shall be made eunuchs, and
their maidens transported to Bactra; while
their country shall be delivered into the hands
of foreigners."

10. Thus spake the Persians. The Ionian
tyrants sent accordingly by night to their re-
spective citizens, and reported the words of
the Persians; but the people were all staunch,
and refused to betray their countrymen, those
of each state thinking that they alone had had
overtures made to them. Now these events
happened on the first appearance of the Per-
sians before Miletus.

11. Afterwards, while the Ionian fleet was
still assembled at Lade", councils were held,
and speeches made by divers persons among
the rest by Dionysius, the Phocaean captain,
who thus expressed himself: "Our affairs
hang on the razor's edge, men of Ionia, either
to be free or to be slaves; and slaves, too, who
have shown themselves runaways. Now then
you have to choose whether you will endure
hardships, and so for the present lead a life of
toil, but thereby gain ability to overcome your
enemies and establish your own freedom; or
whether you will persist in this slothfulness
and disorder, in which case I see no hope of
your escaping the king's vengeance for your
rebellion. I beseech you, be persuaded by me,
and trust yourselves to my guidance. Then, if
the gods only hold the balance fairly between
us, I undertake to say that our foes will either
decline a battle, or, if they fight, suffer com-
plete discomfiture."

12. These words prevailed with the lonians,

188

HERODOTUS

[BOOK vi

and forthwith they committed themselves to
Dionysius; whereupon he proceeded every day
to make the ships move in column, and the
rowers ply their oars, and exercise themselves
in breaking the line; while the marines were
held under arms, and the vessels were kept, till
evening fell, upon their anchors, so that the
men had nothing but toil from morning even
to night. Seven days did the lonians continue
obedient, and do whatsoever he bade them;
but on the eighth day, worn out by the hard-
ness of the work and the heat of the sun, and
quite unaccustomed to such fatigues, they be-
gan to confer together, and to say one to anoth-
er, "What god have we offended to bring upon
ourselves such a punishment as this? Fools and
distracted that we were, to put ourselves into
the hands of this Phocaean braggart, who does
but furnish three ships to the fleet! He, now
that he has got us, plagues us in the most
desperate fashion; many of us, in consequence,
have fallen sick already many more expect
to follow. We had better suffer anything rather
than these hardships; even the slavery with
which we are threatened, however harsh, can
be no worse than our present thraldom. Come,
let us refuse him obedience." So saying, they
forthwith ceased to obey his orders, and
pitched their tents, as if they had been soldiers,
upon the island, where they reposed under the
shade all day, and refused to go aboard the
ships and train themselves.

13. Now when the Samian captains per-
ceived what was taking place, they were more
inclined than before to accept the terms which
jfeaces, the son of Syloson, had been authorised
by the Persians to offer them, on condition of
their deserting from the confederacy. For they
saw that all was disorder among the lonians,
and they felt also that it was hopeless to con-
tend with the power of the king; since if they
defeated the fleet which had been sent against
them, they knew that another would come five
times as great. So they took advantage of the
occasion which now offered, and as soon as
ever they saw the lonians refuse to work, has-
tened gladly to provide for the safety of their
temples and their properties. This ^Eaces, who
made the overtures to the Samians, was the
son of Syloson, and grandson of the earlier
^aces. He had formerly been tyrant of Samos,
but was ousted from his government by Arista-
goras the Milesian, at the same time with the
other tyrants of the lonians.

14. The Phoenicians soon afterwards sailed
to the attack; and the lonians likewise put

themselves in line, and went out to meet them.
When they had now neared one another, and
joined battle, which of the lonians fought like
brave men and which like cowards, I cannot
declare with any certainty, for charges are
brought on all sides; but the tale goes that the
Samians, according to the agreement which
they had made with ^aces, hoisted sail, and
quitting their post bore away for Samos, ex-
cept eleven ships, whose captains gave no heed
to the orders of the commanders, but remained
and took part in the battle. The state of Samos,
in consideration of this action, granted to these
men, as an acknowledgment of their bravery,
the honour of having their names, and the
names of their fathers, inscribed upon a pillar,
which still stands in the market-place. The
Lesbians also, when they saw the Samians,
who were drawn up next them, begin to flee,
themselves did the like; and the example, once
set, was followed by the greater number of the
lonians.

15. Of those who remained and fought,
none were so rudely handled as the Chians,
who displayed prodigies of valour, and dis-
dained to play the part of cowards. They fur-
nished to the common fleet, as I mentioned
above, one hundred ships, having each of them
forty armed citizens, and those picked men, on
board; and when they saw the greater portion
of the allies betraying the common cause, they
for their part, scorning to imitate the base
conduct of these traitors, although they were
left almost alone and unsupported, a very few
friends continuing to stand by them, notwith-
standing went on with the fight, and ofttimes
cut the line of the enemy, until at last, after
they had taken very many of their adversaries'
ships, they ended by losing more than half of
their own. Hereupon, with the remainder of
their vessels, the Chians fled away to their own
country,

1 6. As for such of their ships as were dam-
aged and disabled, these, being pursued by the
enemy, made straight for Mycale*, where the
crews ran them ashore, and abandoning them
began their march along the continent. Hap-
pening in their way upon the territory of Ephe-
sus, they essayed to cross it; but here a dire
misfortune befell them. It was night, and the
Ephesian women chanced to be engaged in
celebrating the Thesmophoria the previous
calamity of the Chians had not been heard of
so when the Ephesians saw their country
invaded by an armed band, they made no ques-
tion of the new-comers being robbers who pur-

13-23]

THE HISTORY

189

posed to carry off their women; and accord-
ingly they marched out against them in full
force, and slew them all. Such were the mis-
fortunes which befell them of Chios.

17. Dionysius, the Phocaean, when he per-
ceived that all was lost, having first captured
three ships from the enemy, himself took to
flight. He would not, however, return to Pho-
caea, which he well knew must fall again, like
the rest of Ionia, under the Persian yoke; but
straightway, as he was, he set sail for Phoenicia,
and there sunk a number of merchantmen,
and gained a great booty; after which he di-
rected his course to Sicily, where he established
himself as a corsair, and plundered the Cartha-
ginians and Tyrrhenians, but did no harm to
the Greeks.

1 8. The Persians, when they had vanquished
the lonians in the sea-fight, besieged Miletus
both by land and sea, driving mines under the
walls, and making use of every known device,
until at length they took both the citadel and
the town, six years from the time when the
revolt first broke out under Aristagoras. All
the inhabitants of the city they reduced to
slavery, and thus the event tallied with the an-
nouncement which had been made by the
oracle.

19. For once upon a time, when the Argives
had sent to Delphi to consult the god about the
safety of their own city, a prophecy was given
them, in which others besides themselves were
interested; for while it bore in part upon the
fortunes of Argos, it touched in a by-clause the
fate of the men of Miletus. I shall set down the
portion which concerned the Argives when I
come to that part of my History, mentioning
at present only the passage in which the absent
Milesians were spoken of. This passage was as
follows:

Then shah thou, Miletus, so oft the contriver of
evil,

Be, thyself, to many a feast and an excellent booty:

Then shall thy matrons wash the feet of long-
haired masters

Others shall then possess our lov'd Didymian tem-
ple.

Such a fate now befell the Milesians; for the
Persians, who wore their hair long, after kill-
ing most of the men, made the women and
children slaves; and the sanctuary at Didyma,
the oracle no less than the temple was plun-
dered and burnt; of the riches whereof I have
made frequent mention in other parts of my
History.

20. Those of the Milesians whose lives were

spared, being carried prisoners to Susa, re-
ceived no ill treatment at the hands of King
Darius, but were established by him in Ampe,
a city on the shores of the Erythraean sea, near"
the spot where the Tigris flows into it. Miletus
itself, and the plain about the city, were kept
by the Persians for themselves, while the hill-
country was assigned to the Carians of Pedasus.

21. And now the Sybarites, who after the
loss of their city occupied Laiis and Scidrus,
failed duly to return the former kindness of
the Milesians. For these last, when Sybaris was
taken by the Crotoniats, made a great mourn-
ing, all of them, youths as well as men, shav-
ing their heads; since Miletus and Sybaris
were, of all the cities whereof we have any
knowledge, the two most closely united to one
another. The Athenians, on the other hand,
showed themselves beyond measure afflicted at
the fall of Miletus, in many ways expressing
their sympathy, and especially by their treat-
ment of Phrynichus. For when this poet
brought out upon the stage his drama of the
Capture of Miletus, the whole theatre burst
into tears; and the people sentenced him to
pay a fine of a thousand drachms, for recalling
to them their own misfortunes. They likewise
made a law that no one should ever again
exhibit that piece.

22. Thus was Miletus bereft of its inhabi-
tants. In Samos the people of the richer sort
were much displeased with the doings of the
captains, and the dealings they had had with
the Medes; they therefore held a council, very
shortly after the sea-fight, and resolved that
they would not remain to become the slaves of
^Eaces and the Persians, but before the tyrant
set foot in their country, would sail away and
found a colony in another land. Now it
chanced that about this time the Zanclaeans of
Sicily had sent ambassadors to the lonians, and
invited them to Kale-Acte*, where they wished
an Ionian city to be founded. This place, Kale-
Acte (or the Fair Strand) as it is called, is in
the country of the Sicilians, and is situated in
the part of Sicily which looks towards Tyr-
rhenia. The offer thus made to all the lonians
was embraced only by the Samians, and by
such of the Milesians as had contrived to effect
their escape.

23. Hereupon this is what ensued. The Sa-
mians on their voyage reached the country of
the Epizephyrian Locrians, at a time when the
Zanclaeans and their king Scythas were en-
gaged in the siege of a Sicilian town which
they hoped to take. Anaxilaiis, tyrant of Rhe-

190

HERODOTUS

[BOOK vi

glum, who was on ill terms with the Zan-
claeans, knowing how matters stood, made ap-
plication to the Samians, and persuaded them
to give up the thought of Kale-Acte*, the place
to which they were bound, and to seize Zancl
itself, which was left without men. The Sa-
mians followed this counsel and possessed
themselves of the town; which the Zanclaeans
no sooner heard than they hurried to the res-
cue, calling to their aid Hippocrates, tyrant of
Gela, who was one of their allies. Hippocrates
came with his army to their assistance; but on
his arrival he seized Scythas, the Zanclaean
king, who had just lost his city, and sent him
away in chains, together with his brother
Pythogenes, to the town of Inycus; after which
he came to an understanding with the Sa-
mians, exchanged oaths with them, and agreed
to betray the people of Zancle*. The reward of
his treachery was to be one-half of the goods
and chattels, including slaves, which the town
contained, and all that he could find in the
open country. Upon this Hippocrates seized
and bound the greater number of the Zan-
claeans as slaves; delivering, however, into the
hands of the Samians three hundred of the
principal citizens, to be slaughtered; but the
Samians spared the lives of these persons.

24. Scythas, the king of the Zanclaeans, made
his escape from Inycus, and fled to Himera;
whence he passed into Asia, and went up to
the court of Darius. Darius thought him the
most upright of all the Greeks to whom he
afforded a refuge; for with the king's leave he
paid a visit to Sicily, and thence returned back
to Persia, where he lived in great comfort, and
died by a natural death at an advanced age.

25. Thus did the Samians escape the yoke
of the Medes, and possess themselves without
any trouble of Zancl, a most beautiful city. At
Samos itself the Phoenicians, after the fight
which had Miletus for its prize was over, re-
established iEaces, the son of Syloson, upon his
throne. This they did by the command of the
Persians, who looked upon ^Eaces as one who
had rendered them a high service and there-
fore deserved well at their hands. They like-
wise spared the Samians, on account of the
desertion of their vessels, and did not burn
either their city or their temples, as they did
those of the other rebels. Immediately after the
fall of Miletus the Persians recovered Caria,
bringing some of the cities over by force, while
others submitted of their own accord.

26. Meanwhile tidings of what had befallen
Miletus reached Histiaeus the Milesian, who

was still at Byzantium, employed in intercept-
ing the Ionian merchantmen as they issued
from the Euxine. Histiaeus had no sooner heard
the news than he gave the Hellespont in charge
to Bisaltes, son of Apollophanes, a native of
Abydos, and himself, at the head of his Lesbi-
ans, set sail for Chios. One of the Chian gar-
risons which opposed him he engaged at a
place called "The Hollows," situated in the
Chian territory, and of these he slaughtered a
vast number; afterwards, by the help of his
Lesbians, he reduced all the rest of the Chians,
who were weakened by their losses in the sea-
fight, Polichne*, a city of Chios, serving him as
head-quarters.

27. It mostly happens that there is some
warning when great misfortunes are about to
befall a state or nation; and so it was in this
instance, for the Chians had previously had
some strange tokens sent to them. A choir of
a hundred of their youths had been despatched
to Delphi; and of these only two had returned;
the remaining ninety-eight having been car-
ried off by a pestilence. Likewise, about the
same time, and very shortly before the sea-
fight, the roof of a school-house had fallen in
upon a number of their boys, who were at
lessons; and out of a hundred and twenty
children there was but one left alive. Such were
the signs which God sent to warn them. It
was very shortly afterwards that the sea-fight
happened, which brought the city down upon
its knees; and after the sea-fight came the
attack of Histia*us and his Lesbians, to whom
the Chians, weakened as they were, furnished
an easy conquest.

28. Histiaeus now led a numerous army,
composed of lonians and ^Eolians, against
Thasos, and had laid siege to the place when
news arrived that the Phoenicians were about
to quit Miletus and attack the other cities of
Ionia. On hearing this, Histiaeus raised the
siege of Thasos, and hastened to Lesbos with
all his forces. There his army was in great
straits for want of food; whereupon Histiaeus
left Lesbos and went across to the mainland,
intending to cut the crops which were growing
in the Atarnean territory, and likewise in the
plain of the Caicus, which belonged to Mysia.
Now it chanced that a certain Persian named
Harpagus was in these regions at the head of
an army of no little strength. He, when His-
tiaeus landed, marched out to meet him, and
engaging with his forces destroyed the great-
er number of them, and took Histiaeus himself
prisoner.

24-35]

THE HISTORY

191

29. Histiaeus fell into the hands of the Pr-
sians in the following manner. The Greeks
and Persians engaged at Malena, in the region
of Atarneus; and the battle was for a long time
stoutly contested, till at length the cavalry
came up, and, charging the Greeks, decided
the conflict. The Greeks fled; and Histiaeus,
who thought that Darius would not punish
his fault with death, showed how he loved
his life by the following conduct. Overtaken
in his flight by one of the Persians, who was
about to run him through, he cried aloud in
the Persian tongue that he was Histiaeus the
Milesian.

30. Now, had he been taken straightway be-
fore King Darius, I verily believe that he
would have received no hurt, but the king
would have freely forgiven him. Artaphernes,
however, satrap of Sardis, and his captor
Harpagus, on this very account because they
were afraid that, if he escaped, he would be
again received into high favour by the king
put him to death as soon as he arrived at
Sardis. His body they impaled at that place,
while they embalmed his head and sent it up
to Susa to the king. Darius, when he learnt
what had taken place, found great fault with
the men engaged in this business for not bring-
ing Histiaeus alive into his presence, and com-
manded his servants to wash and dress the
head with all care, and then bury it, as the
head of a man who had been a great benefactor
to himself and the Persians. Such was the se-
quel of the history of Histia?us.

31. The naval armament of the Persians
wintered at Miletus, and in the following year
proceeded to attack the islands off the coast,
Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos, which were re-
duced without difficulty. Whenever they be-
came masters of an island, the barbarians, in
every single instance, netted the inhabitants.
Now the mode in which they practise this
netting is the following. Men join 1 hands, so
as to form a line across from the north coast to
the south, and then march through the island
from end to end and hunt out the inhabitants.
In like manner the Persians took also the Io-
nian towns upon the mainland, not however
netting the inhabitants, as it was not possible.

32. And now their generals made good all
the threats wherewith they had menaced the
lonians before the battle. For no sooner did
they get possession of the towns than they
choose out all the best favoured boys and made
them eunuchs, while the most beautiful of the
girls they tore from their homes and sent as

presents to the king, at the same time burning
the cities themselves, with their temples. Thus
were the lonians for the third time reduced
to slavery; once by the Lydians, and a second,
and now a third time, by the Persians.

33. The sea force, after quitting Ionia, pro-
ceeded to the Hellespont, and took all the
towns which lie on the left shore as one sails
into the straits. For the cities on the right bank
had already been reduced by the land force of
the Persians. Now these are the places which
border the Hellespont on the European side;
the Chersonese, which contains, a number of
cities, Perinthus, the forts in Thrace, Selybria,
and Byzantium. The Byzantines at this time,
and their opposite neighbours, the Chalce-
donians, instead of awaiting the coming of the
Phoenicians, quitted their country, and sailing
into the Euxine, took up their abode at the city
of Mesembria. The Phoenicians, after burning
all the places above mentioned, proceeded to
Proconnesus and Artaca, which they likewise
delivered to the flames; this done, they re-
turned to the Chersonese, being minded to re-
duce those cities which they had not ravaged
in their former cruise. Upon Cyzicus they
made no attack at all, as before their coming
the inhabitants had made terms with QEbares,
the son of Megabazus, and satrap of Dascyl-
eium, and had submitted themselves to the
king. In the Chersonese the Phoenicians sub-
dued all the cities, excepting Cardia.

34. Up to this time the cities of the Cherso-
nese had been under the government of Miltia-
des, the son of Cimon, and grandson of Stesa-
goras, to ,whom they had descended from
Miltiades, the son of Cypselus, who obtained
possession of them in the following manner.
The Dolonci, a Thracian tribe, to whom the
Chersonese at that time belonged, being har-
assed by a war in which they were engaged
with the Apsinthians, sent their princes to
Delphi to consult the oracle about the matter.
The reply of the Pythoness bade them "take
back with them as a colonist into their country
the man who should first offer them hospital-
ity after they quitted the temple." The Dolonci,
following the Sacred Road, passed through the
regions of Phocis and Boeotia; after which, as
still no one invited them in, they turned aside,
and travelled to Athens.

35. Now Pisistratus was at this time sole
lord of Athens; but Miltiades, the son of
Cypselus, was likewise a person of much dis-
tinction. He belonged to a family which was
wont to contend in the four-horse-chariot races.

192

HERODOTUS

[BOOK

and traced its descent to ^Eacus and Egina, but
which, from the time of Philaeas, the son of
Ajax, who was the first Athenian citizen of
the house, had been naturalised at Athens. It
happened that as the Dolonci passed his door
Miltiades was sitting in his vestibule, which
caused him to remark them, dressed as they
were in outlandish garments, and armed more-
over with lances. He therefore called to them,
and, on their approach, invited them in, offer-
ing them lodging and entertainment. The
strangers accepted his hospitality, and, after
the banquet was over, they laid before him in
full the directions of the oracle and besought
him on their own part to yield obedience to
the god. Miltiades was persuaded ere they had
done speaking; for the government of Pisi-
stratus was irksome to him, and he wanted to
be beyond the tyrant's reach. He therefore
went straightway to Delphi, and inquired of
the oracle whether he should do as the Dolonci
desired.

36. As the Pythoness backed their request,
Miltiades, son of Cypselus who had already
won the four-horse chariot-race at Olympia,
left Athens, taking with him as many of the
Athenians as liked to join in the enterprise,
and sailed away with the Dolonci. On his ar-
rival at the Chersonese, he was made king by
those who had invited him. After this his first
act was to build a wall across the neck of the
Chersonese from the city of Cardia to Pactya,
to protect the country from the incursions and
ravages of the Apsinthians. The breadth of the
isthmus at this part is thirty-six furlongs, the
whole length of the peninsula within the isth-
mus being four hundred and twenty furlongs.

37. When he had finished carrying the wall
across the isthmus, and had thus secured the
Chersonese against the Apsinthians, Miltiades
proceeded to engage in other wars, and first of
all attacked the Lampsacenians; but falling
into an ambush which they had laid he had the
misfortune to be taken prisoner. Now it hap-
pened that Miltiades stood high in the favour
of Croesus, king of Lydia. When Croesus there-
fore heard of his calamity, he sent and com-
manded the men of Lampsacus to give Mil-
tiades his freedom; "if they refused," he said,
"he would destroy them like a fir." Then the
Lampsacenians were somcwhile ip doubt about
this speech of Croesus, and could not tell how
to construe his threat "that he would destroy
them like a fir"; but at last one of their elders
divined the true sense, and told them that the
fir is the only tree which, when cut down,

makes no fresh shoots, but forthwith dies out-
right. So the Lampsacenians, being greatly
afraid of Croesus, released Miltiades, and let
him go free.

38. Thus did Miltiades, by the help of Croe-
sus, escape this danger. Some time afterwards
he died childless, leaving his kingdom and his
riches to Stesagoras, who was the son of Ci-
mon, his half-brother. Ever since his death the
people of the Chersonese have offered him the
customary sacrifices of a founder; and they
have further established in his honour a gym-
nic contest and a chariot-race, in neither of
which is it lawful for any Lampsacenian to
contend. Before the war with Lampsacus was
ended Stesagoras too died childless: he was
sitting in the hall of justice when he was struck
upon the head with a hatchet by a man who
pretended to be a deserter, but was in good
sooth an enemy, and a bitter one.

39. Thus died Stesagoras; and upon his death
the Pisistratidae fitted out a trireme, and sent
Miltiades, the son of Cimon, and brother of
the deceased, to the Chersonese, that he might
undertake the management of affairs in that
quarter. They had already shown him much
favour at Athens, as if, forsooth, they had
been no parties to the death of his father Ci-
mon a matter whereof I will give an account
in another place. He upon his arrival remained
shut up within the house, pretending to do
honour to the memory of his dead brother;
whereupon the chief people of the Chersonese
gathered themselves together from all the cit-
ies of the land, and came in a procession to the
place where Miltiades was, to condole with
him upon his misfortune. Miltiades command-
ed them to be seized and thrown into prison;
after which he made himself master of the
Chersonese, maintained a body of five hun-
dred mercenaries, and married Hegesipyla,
daughter of the Thracian king Olorus.

40. This Miltiades, the son of Cimon, had
not been long in the country when a calamity
befell him yet more grievous than those in
which he was now involved: for three years
earlier he had had to fly before an incursion of
the Scyths. These nomads, angered by the at-
tack of Darius, collected in a body and
marched as far as the Chersonese. Miltiades
did not await their coming, but fled, and re-
mained away until the Scyths retired, when
the Dolonci sent and fetched him back. All
this happened three years before the events
which befell Miltiades at the present time.

41. He now no sooner heard that the Phce-

3 6 -45l

nicians were attacking Tenedos than he load-
ed five triremes with his goods and chattels,
and set sail for Athens. Cardia was the point
from which he took his departure; and as he
sailed down the gulf of Melas, along the shore
of the Chersonese, he came suddenly upon the
whole Phoenician fleet. However he himself
escaped, with four of his vessels, and got into
Imbrus, one trireme only falling into the hands
of his pursuers. This vessel was under the com-
mand of his eldest son Metiochus, whose
mother was not the daughter of the Thracian
king Olorus, but a different woman. Metio-
chus and his ship were taken; and when the
Phoenicians found out that he was a son of
Miltiades they resolved to convey him to the
king, expecting thereby to rise high in the
royal favour. For they remembered that it was
Miltiades who counselled the lonians to heark-
en when the Scyths prayed them to break up
the bridge and return home. Darius, however,
when the Phoenicians brought Metiochus into
his presence, was so far from doing him any
hurt, that he loaded him with benefits. He
gave him a house and estate, and also a Per-
sian wife, by whom there were children born
to him who were accounted Persians. As for
Miltiades himself, from Imbrus he made his
way in safety to Athens.

42. At this time the Persians did no more
hurt to the lonians; but on the contrary, before
the year was out, they carried into effect the
following measures, which were greatly to
their advantage. Artaphernes, satrap of Sardis,
summoned deputies from all the Ionian cities,
and forced them to enter into agreements
with one another, not to harass each other by
force of arms, but to settle their disputes by
reference. He likewise took the measurement
of their whole country in parasangs such is
the name which the Persians give to a distance
of thirty furlongs and settled the tributes
which the several cities were to pay, at a rate
that has continued unaltered from the time
when Artaphernes fixed it down to the present
day. The rate was very nearly the same as that
which had been paid before the revolt. Such
were the peaceful dealings of the Persians with
the lonians.

43. The next spring Darius superseded all
the other generals, and sent down Mardonius,
the son of Gobryas, to the coast, and with him
a vast body of men, some fit for sea, others for
land service. Mardonius was a youth at this
time, and had only lately married Artazostra,
the king's daughter. When Mardonius, ac-

THE HISTORY 193

companied by this numerous host, reached Ci-
licia, he took ship and proceeded along shore
with his fleet, while the land army marched
under other leaders towards the Hellespont. In
the course of his voyage along the coast of Asia
he came to Ionia; and here I have a marvel to
relate which will greatly surprise those Greeks
who cannot believe that Otanes advised the
seven conspirators to make Persia a common-
wealth. Mardonius put down all the despots
throughout Ionia, and in lieu of them estab-
lished democracies. Having so done, he has-
tened to the Hellespont, and when a vast mul-
titude of ships had been brought together, and
likewise a powerful land force, he conveyed
his troops across the strait by means of his ves-
sels, and proceeded through Europe against
Eretria and Athens.

44. At least these towns served as a pretext
for the expedition, the real purpose of which
was to subjugate as great a number as possible
of the Grecian cities; and this became plain
when the Thasians, who did not even lift a
hand in their defence, were reduced by the sea
force, while the land army added the Mace-
donians to the former slaves of the king. All
the tribes on the hither side of Macedonia had
been reduced previously. From Thasos the
fleet stood across to the mainland, and sailed
along shore to Acanthus, whence an attempt
was made to double Mount Athos. But here a
violent north wind sprang up, against which
nothing could contend, and handled a large
number of the ships with much rudeness, shat-
tering them and driving them aground upon
Athos. 'Tis, said the number of the ships de-
stroyed was little short of three hundred; and
the men who perished were more than twenty
thousand. For the sea about Athos abounds in
monsters beyond all others; and so a portion
were seized and devoured by these animals,
while others were dashed violently against the
rocks; some, who did not know how to swim,
were engulfed; and some died of the cold.

45. While thus it fared with the fleet, on
land Mardonius and his army were attacked
in their camp during the night by the Brygi, a
tribe of Thracians; and here vast numbers of
the Persians were slain, and even Mardonius
himself received a wound. The Brygi, never-
theless, did not succeed in maintaining their
own freedom: for Mardonius would not leave
the country till he had subdued them and
made them subjects of Persia. Still, though he
brought them under the yoke, the blow which
his land force had received at their hands, and

194

HERODOTUS

[BooK vi

the great damage done to his fleet off Athos,
induced him to set out upon his retreat; and so
this armament, having failed disgracefully, re-
turned to Asia.

46. The year after these events, Darius re-
ceived information from certain neighbours of
the Thasians that those islanders were making
preparations for revolt; he therefore sent a
herald, and bade them dismantle their walls,
and bring all their ships to Abdera. The Thasi-
ans, at the time when Histiaeus the Milesian
made his attack upon them, had resolved that,
as their income was very great, they would ap-
ply their wealth to building ships of war, and
surrounding their city with another and a
stronger wall. Their revenue was derived part-
ly from their possessions upon the mainland,
partly from the mines which they owned. They
were masters of the gold mines at Scapte-Hyl,
the yearly produce of which amounted in all
to eighty talents. Their mines in Thasos yield-
ed less, but still were so far prolific that, besides
being entirely free from land-tax, they had a
surplus income, derived from the two sources
of their territory on the main and their mines,
in common years of two hundred, and in the
best years of three hundred talents.

47. I myself have seen the mines in ques-
tion: by far the most curious of them are those
which the Phoenicians discovered at the time
when they went with Thasus and colonised the
island, which afterwards took its name from
him. These Phoenician workings are in Thasos
itself, between Coenyra and a place called ^Eny-
ra, over against Samothrace: a huge moun-
tain has been turned upside down in the search
for ores. Such then was the source of their
wealth. On this occasion no sooner did the
Great King issue his commands than straight-
way the Thasians dismantled their wall, and
took their whole fleet to Abdera.

48. After this Darius resolved to prove the
Greeks, and try the bent of their minds,
whether they were inclined to resist him in
arms or prepared to make their submission. He
therefore sent out heralds in divers directions
round about Greece, with orders to demand
everywhere earth and water for the king. At
the same time he sent other heralds to the vari-
ous seaport towns which paid him tribute, and
required them to provide a number of ships
of war and horse-transports.

49. These towns accordingly began their
preparations; and the heralds who had been
sent into Greece obtained what the king had
bid them ask from a large number of the states

upon the mainland, and likewise from all the
islanders whom they visited. Among these last
were included the Eginetans, who, equally
with the rest, consented to give earth and wa-
ter to the Persian king.

When the Athenians heard what the Egine-
tans had done, believing that it was from en-
mity to themselves that they had given consent,
and that the Eginetans intended to join the
Persian in his attack upon Athens, they
straightway took the matter in hand. In good
truth it greatly rejoiced them to have so fair a
pretext; and accordingly they sent frequent
embassies to Sparta, and made it a charge
against the Eginetans that their conduct in this
matter proved them to be traitors to Greece.

50. Hereupon Cleomcnes, the son of Anax-
andridas, who was then king of the Spartans,
went in person to Egina, intending to seize
those whose guilt was the greatest. As soon
however as he tried to arrest them, a number of
the Eginetans made resistance; a certain Crius,
son of Polycritus, being the foremost in vio-
lence. This person told him "he should not car-
ry off a single Eginetan without it costing him
dear the Athenians had bribed him to make
this attack, for which he had no warrant from
his own government otherwise both the
kings would have come together to make the
seizure." This he said in consequence of in-
structions which he had received from Demar-
atus. Hereupon Cleomenes, finding that he
must quit Egina, asked Crius his name; and
when Crius told him, "Get thy horns tipped
with brass with all speed, O Crius!" he said,
"for thou wilt have to struggle with a great
danger."

51. Meanwhile Demaratus, son of Ariston,
was bringing charges against Cleomenes at
Sparta. He too, like Cleomenes, was king of
the Spartans, but he belonged to the lower
house not indeed that his house was of any
lower origin than the other, for both houses
are of one blood but the house of Eurys-
thenes is the more honoured of the two, inas-
much as it is the elder branch.

52. The Lacedaemonians declare, contradict-
ing therein all the poets, that it was king Aris-
todemus himself, son of Aristomachus, grand-
son of Cleodaeus, and great-grandson of Hyl-
lus, who conducted them to the land which
they now possess, and not the sons of Aristo-
demus. The wife of Aristodemus, whose name
(they say) was Argeia, and who was daughter
of Autesion, son of Tisamenus, grandson of
Thersander, and great-grandson of Polynices,

4657]

THE HISTORY

195

within a little while after their coming into the
country, gave birth to twins. Aristodemus just
lived to see his children, but died soon after-
wards of a disease. The Lacedaemonians of
that day determined, according to custom, to
take for their king the elder of the two chil-
dren; but they were so alike, and so exactly of
one size, that they could not possibly tell which
of the two to choose: so when they found
themselves unable to make a choice, or haply
even earlier, they went to the mother and asked
her to tell them which was the elder, where-
upon she declared that "she herself did not
know the children apart"; although in good
truth she knew them very well, and only
feigned ignorance in order that, if it were pos-
sible, both of them might be made kings of
Sparta. The Lacedaemonians were now in a
great strait; so they sent to Delphi and in-
quired of the oracle how they should deal with
the matter. The Pythoness made answer, "Let
both be taken to be kings; but let the elder
have the greater honour." So the Lacedaemoni-
ans were in as great a strait as before, and
could not conceive how they were to discover
which was the first-born, till at length a cer-
tain Messenian, by name Panites, suggested to
them to watch and see which of the two the
mother washed and fed first; if they found she
always gave one the preference, that fact
would tell them all they wanted to know; if,
on the contrary, she herself varied, and some-
times took the one first, sometimes the other,
it would be plain that she knew as little as
they; in which case they must try some other
plan. The Lacedaemonians did according to the
advice of the Messenian, and, without letting
her know why, kept a watch upon the mother;
by which means they discovered that, when-
ever she either washed or fed her children, she
always gave the same child the preference. So
they took the boy whom the mother honoured
the most, and regarding him as the first-born,
brought him up in the palace; and the name
which they gave to the elder boy was Eurys-
thenes, while his brother they called Procles.
When the brothers grew up, there was always,
so long as they lived, enmity between them;
and the houses sprung from their loins have
continued the feud to this day.

53. Thus much is related by the Lacedae-
monians, but not by any of the other Greeks;
in what follows I give the tradition of the
Greeks generally. The kings of the Dorians
(they say) counting up to Perseus, son of
Danae, and so omitting the god are rightly

given in the common Greek lists, and rightly
considered to have been Greeks themselves;
for even at this early time they ranked among
that people. I say "up to Perseus," and not
further, because Perseus has no mortal father
by whose name he is called, as Hercules has in
Amphitryon; whereby it appears that I have
reason on my side, and am right in saying, "up
to Perseus." If we follow the line of Danae,
daughter of Acrisius, and trace her progeni-
tors, we shall find that the chiefs of the Dori-
ans are really genuine Egyptians. In the gen-
ealogies here given I have followed the com-
mon Greek accounts.

54. According to the Persian story, Perseus
was an Assyrian who became a Greek; his
ancestors, therefore, according to them, were
not Greeks. They do not admit that the fore-
fathers of Acrisius were in any way related to
Perseus, but say they were Egyptians, as the
Greeks likewise testify.

55. Enough however of this subject. How it
came to pass that Egyptians obtained the king-
doms of the Dorians, and what they did to
raise themselves to such a position, these are
questions concerning which, as they have been
treated by others, I shall say nothing. I proceed
to speak of points on which no other writer has
touched.

56. The prerogatives which the Spartans
have allowed their kings are the following. In
the first place, two priesthoods, those (namely)
of Lacedaemonian and of Celestial Jupiter;
also the right of making war on what country
soever they please, without hindrance from
any of the ojther Spartans, under pain of out-
lawry; on service the privilege of marching
first in the advance and last in the retreat, and
of having a hundred picked men for their
bodyguard while with the army; likewise the
liberty of sacrificing as many cattle in their ex-
peditions as it seems them good, and the right
of having the skins and the chines of ihe
slaughtered animals for their own use.

57. Such are their privileges in war; in peace
their rights are as follows. When a citizen
makes a public sacrifice the kings are given the
first seats at the banquet; they are served be-
fore any of the other guests, and have a double
portion of everything; they take the lead in
the libations; and the hides of the sacrificed
beasts belong to them. Every month, on the
first day, and again on the seventh of the first
decade, 1 each king receives a beast without

1 The division of the Greek month was into dec-
ades.

196

HERODOTUS

[BOOK vi

blemish at the public cost, which he offers up
to Apollo; likewise a medimnus of meal, 1 and
of wine a Laconian quart. In the contests of
the Games they have always the seat of hon-
our; they appoint the citizens who have to en-
tertain foreigners; they also nominate, each of
them, two of the Pythians, officers whose busi-
ness it is to consult the oracle at Delphi, who
eat with the kings, and, like them, live at the
public charge. If the kings do not come to the
public supper, each of them must have two
chccnixes of meal and a cotyle of wine sent
home to him at his house; if they come, they
are given a double quantity of each, and the
same when any private man invites them to
his table. They have the custody of all the
oracles which are pronounced; but the Pythi-
ans must likewise have knowledge of them.
They have the whole decision of certain causes,
which are these, and these only: When a
maiden is left the heiress of her father's estate,
and has not been betrothed by him to any one,
they decide who is to marry her; in all matters
concerning the public highways they judge;
and if a person wants to adopt a child, he must
do it before the kings. They likewise have the
right of sitting in council with the eight-and-
twenty senators; and if they are not present,
then the senators nearest of kin to them have
their privileges, and give two votes as the royal
proxies, besides a third vote, which is their

own.

58. Such are the honours which the Spartan
people have allowed their kings during their
lifetime; after they are dead other honours
await them. Horsemen carry the news of their
death through all Laconia, while in the city the
women go hither and thither drumming upon
a kettle. At this signal, in every house two free
persons, a man and a woman, must put on
mourning, or else be subject to a heavy fine.
The Lacedaemonians have likewise a custom
at the demise of their kings which is common
to them with the barbarians of Asia indeed
with the greater number of the barbarians ev-
erywhere namely, that when one of their
kings dies, not only the Spartans, but a certain
number of the country people from every part
of Laconia are forced, whether they will or no,
to attend the funeral. So these persons and the
helots, and likewise the Spartans themselves,
flock together to the number of several thou-
sands, men and women intermingled; and all

1 The medimnus was about 12 gallons, the choc-
nix somewhat less than a quart, and a cotyle half
a pint.

of them smite their foreheads violently, and
weep and wail without stint, saying always
that their last king was the best. If a king dies
in battle, then they make a statue of him, and
placing it upon a couch right bravely decked,
so carry it to the grave. After the burial, by the
space of ten days there is no assembly, nor do
they elect magistrates, but continue mourning
the whole time.

59. They hold with the Persians also in an-
other custom. When a king dies, and another
comes to the throne, the newly-made monarch
forgives all the Spartans the debts which they
owe either to the king or to the public treasury.
And in like manner among the Persians each
king when he begins to reign remits the tribute
due from the provinces.

60. In one respect the Lacedaemonians re-
semble the Egyptians. Their heralds and flute-
players, and likewise their cooks, take their
trades by succession from their fathers. A flute-
player must be the son of a flute-player, a cook
of a cook, a herald of a herald; and other peo-
ple cannot take advantage of the loudness of
their voice to come into the profession and
shut out the heralds' sons; but each follows his
father's business. Such are the customs of the
Lacedaemonians.

61. At the time of which we are speaking,
while Cleomenes in Egina was labouring for
the general good of Greece, Demaratus at
Sparta continued to bring charges against him,
moved not so much by love of the Eginetans as
by jealousy and hatred of his collea

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